FIGHTING CORRUPTION AND TERRORISM

FOREIGN POLICY OUTLOOK 2005
By Akhmad Kusaeni


Analysts have argued that Megawati Soekarnoputri had failed to win the election because her competitor, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, ran a better campaign. A former general with some training in the United States, Yudhoyono emerged in voters’ mind as someone who would be tough on corruption and terrorism (Scott B MacDonald, 2004).
His promise to inject fresh life into the economy convinced voters he would make stronger measures to get the economy moving at a faster pace. His reputation as being market friendly and open to new ideas also has some appeal to foreign investor.
Throughout the election campaign, Yudhoyono touted foreign policy as an extension of domestic policy. Key domestic policies of fighting corruption, invigorating job creation and fixing the education system were expressed in foreign policy terms, such as the attraction of greater foreign direct investment, Indonesian competitiveness and the promotion of trade.
Thus, Yudhoyono’s diplomacy platforms are building foreign policy through democratization. Indonesia’s democratic process, in Yudhoyono’s point of view, will be a significant contribution to foreign policy and democracy. It will stimulate the country to play a more active regional and international role.
This perspective makes sense. Experts say that foreign policy is an extension of domestic politics. We need to clean up our house first before we can contribute and play a wider role in our neighborhood. A stable and prosperous Indonesia can promote a stable and prosperous region. Just look back a decade or so to see how well Indonesia acted as the region’s center of gravity and a force for progressive change.
In the late 1980s it was Indonesia that pushed the warring Cambodian factions into a settlement that ended the long-running conflict in Indochina. It was Indonesia that pushed Nur Misuari, the leader of Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), to sign peace agreement with the government of Philippines in early 1997. The peace agreement had ended more than 25 years armed-conflict in Mindanao that killed thousands people.
In the early 1990s it was Indonesia that encouraged the first trans-national economic cooperation, which has helped break down barriers to trade within ASEAN. And it was Indonesian Muslim scholars and intellectuals in the 1990s that first identified the need for dialogue and reform to head off the rise of Islamic militancy (Michael Vatikiotis, 2004).
But, the economic crisis in 1998 and the violence in East Timor in 1999 has caused severe blow to Indonesian image and diplomacy. The leadership of President Abdurahman Wahid and President Megawati could not help in improving Indonesian image abroad even though they love to make foreign visits. Wahid and Megawati were criticized for producing very little out of their foreign sojourns. They came to be seen as extravagant and a huge drain on state money during the economic crisis.
With the new government under President Yudhoyono, it is time for Indonesia to revive its role in regional and world affairs. It is the job of the Kabinet Indonesia Bersatu to rebuild Indonesia’s international credibility and economic vitality. And President Yudhoyono has already made a good starting point.
He promised he would devote his time and energy in his first 100 days on pressing domestic problems, but situation has forced him to make foreign trips. The death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, APEC summit in Santiago, and ASEAN summit in Vientiane, pushed Yudhoyono to break his “no foreign trip” promise. But, those overseas visits were acceptable and appropriate.
A long with “summit diplomacy” abroad, President Yudhoyono could gain something from “tsunami diplomacy” and forthcoming Asia-Africa summit at home this year. About 90.000 people were killed and million have been left homeless or displaced in Aceh province by the Dec. 26 tsunami triggered by a magnitude 9 earthquake off Sumatra Island. Aid has been pouring into Aceh and the government of Indonesia has to make sure that billion-aid money would be free from corruption.
As I mentioned earlier, fighting corruption and terrorism would be a core of Indonesian foreign policy outlook in 2005. President Yudhoyono seems to be taking its best shot at how domestic development would be beneficial to the future of our international diplomacy.
Indonesians want jobs, public safety and a cleaner government. On the other hand, the United States and the world want Indonesia to fight global terrorism and religious radicalism. Failure to address the country’s many challenges will only run the risk of slowing Indonesia’s return to sustainable growth. While failure to act in the global war on terrorism would create more recruits for radical Islam.
Thus, Yudhoyono has to be able to “row between cliffs” or “Mendayung diantara Dua Karang” as Prime Minister Hatta stated in 1948. Domestically, he must fulfill his promises to people who elected him and offer them the security and well being they asked for at the ballot box. Internationally, he needs to prove to the world that democracy and Islam in Indonesia can go hand in hand. That’s why Indonesia joins in global war on terrorism.