Oleh Akhmad Kusaeni
Jakarta, 27/1 (ANTARA) - Soeharto mangkat. Akandikenang sebagai apakah mantan presiden dan penguasa Orde Baru itu oleh rakyat dan bangsa Indonesia? Dibanding dengan mantan Presiden Soekarno yang matidalam sunyi, wafatnya Soeharto berada dalamkegempitaan, setidaknya itulah yang diberitakan media massa.
Hampir setiap hari dalam beberapa pekan terakhir, media menjadikan sakitnya "Jenderal Besar"itu sebagai fokus pemberitaan. Media seperti sirkus meramaikan perkembanganpenanganan penyakit Soeharto di rumah sakit oleh 40 dokter dengan alat-alat canggih berbiaya mahal.
Sementara tokoh-tokoh yang membesuk diperlakukan sebagai selebriti : memberikan komentar di depan sorotan kamera televisi dan juru foto ramai-ramai memotret dengan semangat paparazi. Biasanya tayangan diselingi gambar Soeharto yang tengah kritis digotong memasuki lorong-lorong rumah sakit.
Alat bantu pernafasan menutup mulut orang kuat Orde Baru yang tampak tidak berdaya, sementara cairan infus dan tranfusi darah tergantung mengalir ke tubuh Soeharto yang "ditidurkan". Setiap mata yang melihat jatuh simpati. Doa-doa dikumandangkan.
Dampak tayangan televisi dan hingar bingar media itu luar biasa. Ajakan memaafkan Soeharto ramai-ramai dikumandangkan. Sebuah survei menyebutkan sebanyak 67 persen rakyat Indonesia ingin Soeharto dimaafkan. Hanya sebagian kecil saja yang ingin kasus hukumnya diteruskan.
Meski Presiden Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono tidakmemberikan keputusan soal status hukum Soeharto,Istana Kepresidenan menaikkan bendera setengah tiang sesaat setelah Soeharto dinyatakan wafat oleh timdokter. Kepala Negara datang ke rumah duka di Jalan Cendana, Jakarta, dan memutuskan tidak jadi berkunjung ke Bali seperti dijadwalkan. Presiden Yudhoyono memilih untuk menghadiri pemakanan Soeharto di Solo. SBY ingin mengantar Soeharto ke tempat peristirahatannya yang terakhir.
Sekretaris Kabinet Sudi Silalahi menyatakan hari berkabung nasional selama tujuh hari.Berbeda dengan Soekarno Penghormatan ini sangat jauh berbeda dengan detik-detik terakhir kematian Soekarno.
Sejarawan Asvi Warman Adam dari LIPI menyoroti perbedaan perlakuan terhadap Soekarno dibanding Soeharto. Saat sakit,Soekarno hanya dirawat seorang dokter hewan, dibantu seorang Kowad yang bukan perawat dan dilarang ditengok orang, termasuk keluarga.
Jika Soeharto dirawat di Rumah Sakit Pertamina Pusat(RSPP) dengan sewa kamarnya saja jutaan rupiah, Soekarno diisolasi di Wisma Yaso (kini Museum SatriaMandala) yang penuh laba-laba, kecoa, tikus, kotor dengan penerangan redup seadanya.
"Kalau dibandingkan dengan keadaan Bapak (Soekarno,red), Soeharto masih lebih beruntung. Saat sakit anggota keluarga Soeharto masih bebas menjenguknya,sedangkan di waktu Bapak sungguh tidak enak," kataDewi Soekarno seperti yang disampaikan kepada wartawan Antara Biro Tokyo pekan lalu.
Dewi menceritakan bagaimana Bung Karno mendapat perlakuan yang tidak manusiawi dari Soeharto, padahal Soekarno merupakan orang besar bagi bangsa Indonesia.Status tahanan rumah, larangan untuk dikunjungi dan perlakuan tidak semestinya terjadi pada Soekarno.
Proklamator kemerdekaan Indonesia itu menderita disaat-saat terakhir hidupnya. Apa yang dialami Soeharto sekarang, menurut Dewi Soekarno, berbeda jauh. Soeharto lebih enak. Tidakdiasingkan. Tidak dianiaya. "Saya ada di Wisma Yaso, di saat-saat terakhir Bapak.Saya masih sempat menjaganya. Bapak juga dibuat seperti meninggal karena over dosis," kata wanitakelahiran Tokyo, 6 Februari 1940 itu emosional.
Apa yang terjadi pada saat-saat akhir sakaratul maut menjemput Soeharto akan menjadi tanda-tanda bagaimana bangsa dan rakyat Indonesia memandang mantan presiden yang berkuasa lebih dari 32 tahun itu. Mantan PresidenAbdurahman Wahid yang pernah sangat kritis terhadap Soeharto mengatakan, "Ia memang membuat kesalahan,tapi ia juga banyak jasanya terhadap bangsa".
Bank Dunia dan PBB pada bulan September 2007 menempatkan Soeharto pada daftar pemimpin korup didunia. Transparansi Internasional, sebuah organisasianti korupsi, mengungkapkan bahwa Soeharto mencuri uang negara 15 miliar sampai 35 miliar dolar AS. Namun, laporan Transparansi Internasional masih diperdebatkan keabsahannya.
Mahkamah Agung, misalnya, berpendapat lain. Mahkamah Agung memenangkan gugatan Soeharto dan memerintahkan majalah TIME untuk membayar ganti rugi Rp1 triliun.TIME dianggap telah mencemarkan nama baik Soeharto, karena menyiarkan pada tanggal 24 Mei 1999 suatu laporan mengenai kekayaan keluarga Soeharto yang diduga berasal dari hasil korupsi.
Lebih baik dari Ne Win Sahabat Soeharto, mantan Perdana Menteri Singapura LeeKuan Yew yang membesuk Soeharto, menyatakan bangsaIndonesia semestinya lebih menghormati Soeharto."Ia memang memberikan kemudahan bisnis kepada keluarga dan kroninya. Tapi, ia juga mendidik rakyat danmembangun infrastruktur," kata Lee.
Lee mencatat sejarah bahwa Soeharto naik ke puncak kekuasaan pada 1965 beberapa saat setelah Ne Win berkuasa di Burma, kini Myanmar.
"Bandingkan," ujar Lee, "siapa yang lebih baik? Siapayang harus lebih dihormati?". Lee menjawab sendiri bahwa yang lebih baik adalah Soeharto ketimbang NeWin. "Apa artinya beberapa juta dolar yang hilang sebagai dampak buruk dari apa yang dilakukannya? Soeharto membangun ratusan miliar dolar kekayaan bangsa ini,"kata Lee seperti dikutip harian The New York Times edisi 15 Januari 2008.
Pengakuan Lee ini juga tampak diamini PresidenYudhoyono. "Jasa Soeharto bukan hal yang kecil bagi bangsa ini,khususnya pembangunan nasional yang dilakukannya,meskipun sebagai manusia dan seperti layaknya pemimpin lain, Pak Harto juga tak luput dari kesalahan," kataYudhoyono yang mempercepat kepulangan dari kunjunganke Malaysia saat Soeharto dinyatakan kritis.
"Itu yang membuat kita tidak bisa menghentikan untuk berterimakasih atas kontribusi dan jasanya bagi bangsa ini," kata Kepala Negara. Soeharto telah mangkat. Ia segera dimakamkan. Dukacita disampaikan. Doa dipanjatkan. Ia mengubur segala kontroversi yang terjadi atas dirinya.
Siapapun takakan menolak kalau Soeharto adalah seorang negarawan besar yang sangat berpengaruh bagi perjalanan bangsa ini. Terlepas dari segala kelemahan dan kesalahannya,ia menjadi bagian sejarah penting bagi bangsa ini. Sebagaimana pepatah Inggris mengatakan "All the goodfor the dead", maka bagi orang yang telah wafat hendaknya hanya yang baik-baik saja yang disampaikan. Soeharto sendiri mengamalkan pepatah Inggris ini.
Buktinya, ia sering mengatakan perlunya bangsa ini "mikul dhuwur mendem jero" . Waktu akan membuktikan kebenaran falsafah ini.
Senin, 28 Januari 2008
Kamis, 24 Januari 2008
WAPRES BERSAMA PANGERAN DAN UNDANGAN SAKSIKAN PENCUCIAN KA'BAH
Mekkah (ANTARA News) - Prosesi pencucian Ka`bah dilaksanakan Kamis pagi, dengan disaksikan para pangeran kerajaan, ulama, menteri, tokoh internasional dan anggota korps diplomatik dari negara-negara Muslim, termasuk Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla dan rombongan.
Wartawan Antara Akhmad Kusaeni yang ikut dalam kunjungan Wapres melaporkan, Kalla bersama rombongan sudah berada di Kawasan Masjidil Haram sejak Kamis dinihari untuk melakukan shalat Subuh berjamaah dan menanti saat prosesi pencucian kabah dilakukan.
Ka`bah dijaga ketat oleh pasukan khusus. Mereka melakukan pagar betis mengelilingi Ka`bah. Namun tidak melarang jemaah yang melakukan shalat.Kunci Ka`bah dipegang oleh suku Bani Shaybat. Anggota suku tersebut menyambut tamu untuk masuk ke dalam Ka`bah saat prosesi pencucian Ka`bah.
Sejumlah kecil tokoh dan diplomat asing diundang untuk ikut upacara. Gubernur Mekkah memimpin para tamu penting membersihkan dinding Ka`bah dengan menggunakan sapu. Baru kemudian Ka`bah dicuci dengan air Zam Zam yang dicampur bunga mawar
Sebelum melakukan pencucian, dilakukan tawaf dan shalat sunnah dua rakaat. Ritual pencucian Ka`bah dilakukan dengan cara menggosok dinding Ka`bah dengan kain yang sudah dibasahi wewangian Zam Zam.Pencucian Ka`bah dilakukan sebanyak dua kali tiap tahun. Satu kali sebelum bulan Ramadhan dan satu kali lagi pada musim haji.
Pencucian Ka`bah dilaksanakan, mengikuti Rasulullah SAW yang membersihkan Ka`bah saat Nabi berhasil menaklukkan Makkah pada tahun ke-8 HijriahTradisi itu adalah membuka kunci Ka`bah dan melakukan pembersihan di dalam Ka`bah. Kain penutup Ka`bah atau kiswah dibuka dan tangga khusus diletakan ke pintu Ka`bah untuk keluar masuk tamu.
Tradisi ini bukan merupakan ritus, melainkan pencucian dalam arti harfiah."Pencucian Kabah tujuannya adalah untuk mencuci dan membersihkan Kabah. Itu saja," kata mantan Menlu Alwi Shihab yang ikut dalam rombongan Wapres. (*)
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Wartawan Antara Akhmad Kusaeni yang ikut dalam kunjungan Wapres melaporkan, Kalla bersama rombongan sudah berada di Kawasan Masjidil Haram sejak Kamis dinihari untuk melakukan shalat Subuh berjamaah dan menanti saat prosesi pencucian kabah dilakukan.
Ka`bah dijaga ketat oleh pasukan khusus. Mereka melakukan pagar betis mengelilingi Ka`bah. Namun tidak melarang jemaah yang melakukan shalat.Kunci Ka`bah dipegang oleh suku Bani Shaybat. Anggota suku tersebut menyambut tamu untuk masuk ke dalam Ka`bah saat prosesi pencucian Ka`bah.
Sejumlah kecil tokoh dan diplomat asing diundang untuk ikut upacara. Gubernur Mekkah memimpin para tamu penting membersihkan dinding Ka`bah dengan menggunakan sapu. Baru kemudian Ka`bah dicuci dengan air Zam Zam yang dicampur bunga mawar
Sebelum melakukan pencucian, dilakukan tawaf dan shalat sunnah dua rakaat. Ritual pencucian Ka`bah dilakukan dengan cara menggosok dinding Ka`bah dengan kain yang sudah dibasahi wewangian Zam Zam.Pencucian Ka`bah dilakukan sebanyak dua kali tiap tahun. Satu kali sebelum bulan Ramadhan dan satu kali lagi pada musim haji.
Pencucian Ka`bah dilaksanakan, mengikuti Rasulullah SAW yang membersihkan Ka`bah saat Nabi berhasil menaklukkan Makkah pada tahun ke-8 HijriahTradisi itu adalah membuka kunci Ka`bah dan melakukan pembersihan di dalam Ka`bah. Kain penutup Ka`bah atau kiswah dibuka dan tangga khusus diletakan ke pintu Ka`bah untuk keluar masuk tamu.
Tradisi ini bukan merupakan ritus, melainkan pencucian dalam arti harfiah."Pencucian Kabah tujuannya adalah untuk mencuci dan membersihkan Kabah. Itu saja," kata mantan Menlu Alwi Shihab yang ikut dalam rombongan Wapres. (*)
Copyright © 2008 ANTARA
HARGA SELIMUT KA'BAH Rp.50 MILIAR
Mekkah (ANTARA News) - Harga selimut Ka`bah yang dinamakan kiswah mencapai 20 juta real atau sekitar Rp50 miliar dan diganti sekali setahun, kata Duta Besar RI untuk Arab Saudi, Salim Segaf Aljufri.
Seusai masuk ke dalam Ka`bah bersama sejumlah Duta Besar dan diplomat dalam prosesi pencucian Ka`bah, Dubes Salim kepada wartawan Antara, Akhmad Kusaeni, mengatakan selimut Ka`bah terbuat dari sutera asli.
Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla menyaksikan prosesi pencucian Ka`bah itu sekaligus melaksanakan ibadah umroh atas undangan Kerajaan Arab Saudi. Kiswah dihias benang berlapis emas dan perak untuk membuat sulaman kaligrafi berupa ayat-ayat Al Quran dan hiasan-hiasan khusus bernuansa Islam. Tulisan itu membentuk angka V (angka tujuh dalam tulisan Arab). Salah satu kalimat yang ditulis di kiswah Ka`bah adalah, "Allah Jalla Jalalah, La Ilaha Illaallah, Muhammad Rasulullah".
Kain penutup Ka`bah berukuran panjang 14 meter dan lebar 47 meter, dengan berat sekitar 650 kilogram. Biaya untuk membuat satu buah Kiswah sekitar Rp50 miliar. Sebelum dibuat sendiri di Mekkah, kiswah biasanya dibuat di Mesir dan India dan diberikan kepada pemerintah Saudi sebagai hadiah.
Kiswah terdiri dari lima bagian, empat bagian untuk menutupi empat sisi Ka`bah dan satu bagian lagi untuk menutup bagian pintu Ka`bah. Di balik kiswah hitam, ada kain berwarna putih yang disebut Bithana Kiswah. Kain itu untuk meresap uap dari dinding Ka`bah dan menghalangi panas yang diserap dari kain kiswah yang hitam. Kain ini mengandung daya serap untuk menghindarkan panas yang berlebihan dan mencegah dinding Ka`bah retak.
Menurut sejarah, semasa Nabi Muhammad SAW, Rasullullah pernah menghadiahkan kiswah Al-washail. Nabi Muhammad SAW yang pertama kali mengiswahi Ka`bah. Cara ini kemudian diteruskan oleh Khulafa Urrasyidin, seperti Umar Bin Al-Khatab dan Utsman Bin Affan serta beberapa khalifah Bani Umayyah.
Di masa sekarang, para raja di Kerajaan Arab Saudi dengan menggunakan kiswah dari pabrik khusus pembuat kiswah di Mekah. Pencucian Ka`bah kali ini disaksikan oleh Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla beserta rombongan. Prosesnya adalah dinding Ka`bah dibersihkan dengan air bercampur minyak wangi. Setelah bersih dan bagian dalam Kabah disapu, tamu-tamu negara memasuki bagian dalam Ka`bah.
"Kami melakukan shalat di dalam Ka`bah," kata Dubes Salim. Menurut sejumlah orang yang pernah memasuki ke dalam Ka`bah, jika sudah di dalam Ka`bah, jemaah boleh shalat dengan menghadap ke mana saja. "Ini rasanya, Ka`bah ada di dalam hati kita.
Maknanya, sesungguhnya kita sama di depan Allah," kata seorang diplomat Indonesia di Arab Saudi. Mantan Menteri Agama Tarmizi Taher yang sudah 13 kali mendapat kesempatan memasuki Ka`bah, pernah mengatakan bahwa dinding dalam Ka`bah, atap, lantai serta dua tiangnya biasa saja seperti dinding batu lainnya.Setiap kali masuk bangunan berbentuk kubus itu, kata Amirul Haj 2006 itu, ia menunaikan shalat dua rakaat sebanyak empat kali, masing-masing dua rakaat shalat menghadap ke arah dinding yang berbeda.
Tarmizi mengakui bagi umat Islam, memasuki Ka`bah mungkin merupakan impian yang tak akan terwujud, jika bukan tamu negara Kerajaan Arab Saudi, bahkan menyentuh dinding luar Ka`bah ketika melakukan thawaf di tengah ratusan ribu manusia saja sangat sulit.Mereka yang bisa masuk ke dalam Kabah dinilai sangat beruntung, karena Ka`bah adalah tempat ibadah pertama di bumi dan dibangun sejak Nabi Ibrahim AS. (*)
Copyright © 2008 ANTARA
Seusai masuk ke dalam Ka`bah bersama sejumlah Duta Besar dan diplomat dalam prosesi pencucian Ka`bah, Dubes Salim kepada wartawan Antara, Akhmad Kusaeni, mengatakan selimut Ka`bah terbuat dari sutera asli.
Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla menyaksikan prosesi pencucian Ka`bah itu sekaligus melaksanakan ibadah umroh atas undangan Kerajaan Arab Saudi. Kiswah dihias benang berlapis emas dan perak untuk membuat sulaman kaligrafi berupa ayat-ayat Al Quran dan hiasan-hiasan khusus bernuansa Islam. Tulisan itu membentuk angka V (angka tujuh dalam tulisan Arab). Salah satu kalimat yang ditulis di kiswah Ka`bah adalah, "Allah Jalla Jalalah, La Ilaha Illaallah, Muhammad Rasulullah".
Kain penutup Ka`bah berukuran panjang 14 meter dan lebar 47 meter, dengan berat sekitar 650 kilogram. Biaya untuk membuat satu buah Kiswah sekitar Rp50 miliar. Sebelum dibuat sendiri di Mekkah, kiswah biasanya dibuat di Mesir dan India dan diberikan kepada pemerintah Saudi sebagai hadiah.
Kiswah terdiri dari lima bagian, empat bagian untuk menutupi empat sisi Ka`bah dan satu bagian lagi untuk menutup bagian pintu Ka`bah. Di balik kiswah hitam, ada kain berwarna putih yang disebut Bithana Kiswah. Kain itu untuk meresap uap dari dinding Ka`bah dan menghalangi panas yang diserap dari kain kiswah yang hitam. Kain ini mengandung daya serap untuk menghindarkan panas yang berlebihan dan mencegah dinding Ka`bah retak.
Menurut sejarah, semasa Nabi Muhammad SAW, Rasullullah pernah menghadiahkan kiswah Al-washail. Nabi Muhammad SAW yang pertama kali mengiswahi Ka`bah. Cara ini kemudian diteruskan oleh Khulafa Urrasyidin, seperti Umar Bin Al-Khatab dan Utsman Bin Affan serta beberapa khalifah Bani Umayyah.
Di masa sekarang, para raja di Kerajaan Arab Saudi dengan menggunakan kiswah dari pabrik khusus pembuat kiswah di Mekah. Pencucian Ka`bah kali ini disaksikan oleh Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla beserta rombongan. Prosesnya adalah dinding Ka`bah dibersihkan dengan air bercampur minyak wangi. Setelah bersih dan bagian dalam Kabah disapu, tamu-tamu negara memasuki bagian dalam Ka`bah.
"Kami melakukan shalat di dalam Ka`bah," kata Dubes Salim. Menurut sejumlah orang yang pernah memasuki ke dalam Ka`bah, jika sudah di dalam Ka`bah, jemaah boleh shalat dengan menghadap ke mana saja. "Ini rasanya, Ka`bah ada di dalam hati kita.
Maknanya, sesungguhnya kita sama di depan Allah," kata seorang diplomat Indonesia di Arab Saudi. Mantan Menteri Agama Tarmizi Taher yang sudah 13 kali mendapat kesempatan memasuki Ka`bah, pernah mengatakan bahwa dinding dalam Ka`bah, atap, lantai serta dua tiangnya biasa saja seperti dinding batu lainnya.Setiap kali masuk bangunan berbentuk kubus itu, kata Amirul Haj 2006 itu, ia menunaikan shalat dua rakaat sebanyak empat kali, masing-masing dua rakaat shalat menghadap ke arah dinding yang berbeda.
Tarmizi mengakui bagi umat Islam, memasuki Ka`bah mungkin merupakan impian yang tak akan terwujud, jika bukan tamu negara Kerajaan Arab Saudi, bahkan menyentuh dinding luar Ka`bah ketika melakukan thawaf di tengah ratusan ribu manusia saja sangat sulit.Mereka yang bisa masuk ke dalam Kabah dinilai sangat beruntung, karena Ka`bah adalah tempat ibadah pertama di bumi dan dibangun sejak Nabi Ibrahim AS. (*)
Copyright © 2008 ANTARA
Rabu, 23 Januari 2008
WAPRES DOAKAN KESELAMATAN BANGSA DI AL-MUTAZAM MEKKAH
Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla setiba di Mekkah, Rabu dinihari, langsung menunaikan ibadah umrah dan mendoakan keselamatan bangsa dan rakyat Indonesia agar terhindar dari segala bencana dan kesulitan.
Doa dipanjatkan Kalla bersama rombongan di Al-Muatazam, yaitu sebuah lokasi antara Hajar Aswad dan pintu Kabah yang berada di kawasan Masjidil Haram, Mekkah.
Tempat ini diyakini sangat mustajab untuk memanjatkan doa. Rasulullah dan para sahabatnya biasa mendekatkan diri mereka ke Al Mutazam. Sampai sekarang para jemaah haji dan umrah berdoa apa saja di tempat itu untuk menyampaikan keinginan masing-masing.
Di tempat paling mustajab itu, Kalla menengadahkan tangan dan berdoa untuk bangsa Indonesia. "Supaya kita bisa lepas dari masalah-masalah pokok bangsa," katanya.
Hampir setiap tahun Kalla menyempatkan diri di sela-sela kesibukannya untuk melaksanakan ibadah umrah. Perjalanan panjang belasan jam dari Tanah Air tidak menyurutkannya untuk langsung melakukan tawaf, mencium Hajar Aswad, shalat sunah di Hijr Ismail, dan berdoa di Al-Mutazam.
Sepulang para jemaah haji dari segala penjuru dunia karena musim haji sudah berakhir, suasana Masjidil Haram tampak lebih sepi, sehingga ibadah umrah rombongan Wapres berjalan lancar. Setiap anggota rombongan berkesempatan mencium Hajar Aswad dengan leluasa, padahal pada musim haji itu tidak mudah dilakukan.
Petugas pemerintah Arab Saudi juga memperkenankan Kalla melakukan shalat sunah di Hijr Ismail, yaitu sebuah bangunan dengan tinggi kira-kira satu meter yang berbentuk setengah lingkaran di dekat Kabah. Jemaah haji dan umroh biasa melakukan shalat sunah semampunya di situ.Begitu juga ketika melakukan Sai, berupa lari-lari kecil antara Bukit Safa dan Bukit Marwah sebanyak tujuh kali, rombongan Wapres dikawal dengan baik oleh petugas keamanan sehingga kegiatan ibadah lebih khusuk.
Setelah melakukan Sai, Kalla melakukan tahalul yaitu mencukur sebagian atau sepenuhnya rambut. Mula-mula Kalla dengan gunting kecil memotong rambut Ibu Mufidah Kalla dan anak-anaknya, kemudian rombongan lain, termasuk wartawan.
Pemimpin Redaksi Detik.com Budiono dan Wakil Pemimpin Redaksi Antara Akhmad Kusaeni termasuk yang dipotong rambutnya oleh Wapres.
Selain melakukan umrah, Kalla juga akan menyaksikan prosesi pencucian Kabah pada hari Kamis (24/1) dan Madinah untuk ziarah ke makam Nabi Muhamad SAW dan para sahabat, selain shalat di Mesjid Nabawi. (*)
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Doa dipanjatkan Kalla bersama rombongan di Al-Muatazam, yaitu sebuah lokasi antara Hajar Aswad dan pintu Kabah yang berada di kawasan Masjidil Haram, Mekkah.
Tempat ini diyakini sangat mustajab untuk memanjatkan doa. Rasulullah dan para sahabatnya biasa mendekatkan diri mereka ke Al Mutazam. Sampai sekarang para jemaah haji dan umrah berdoa apa saja di tempat itu untuk menyampaikan keinginan masing-masing.
Di tempat paling mustajab itu, Kalla menengadahkan tangan dan berdoa untuk bangsa Indonesia. "Supaya kita bisa lepas dari masalah-masalah pokok bangsa," katanya.
Hampir setiap tahun Kalla menyempatkan diri di sela-sela kesibukannya untuk melaksanakan ibadah umrah. Perjalanan panjang belasan jam dari Tanah Air tidak menyurutkannya untuk langsung melakukan tawaf, mencium Hajar Aswad, shalat sunah di Hijr Ismail, dan berdoa di Al-Mutazam.
Sepulang para jemaah haji dari segala penjuru dunia karena musim haji sudah berakhir, suasana Masjidil Haram tampak lebih sepi, sehingga ibadah umrah rombongan Wapres berjalan lancar. Setiap anggota rombongan berkesempatan mencium Hajar Aswad dengan leluasa, padahal pada musim haji itu tidak mudah dilakukan.
Petugas pemerintah Arab Saudi juga memperkenankan Kalla melakukan shalat sunah di Hijr Ismail, yaitu sebuah bangunan dengan tinggi kira-kira satu meter yang berbentuk setengah lingkaran di dekat Kabah. Jemaah haji dan umroh biasa melakukan shalat sunah semampunya di situ.Begitu juga ketika melakukan Sai, berupa lari-lari kecil antara Bukit Safa dan Bukit Marwah sebanyak tujuh kali, rombongan Wapres dikawal dengan baik oleh petugas keamanan sehingga kegiatan ibadah lebih khusuk.
Setelah melakukan Sai, Kalla melakukan tahalul yaitu mencukur sebagian atau sepenuhnya rambut. Mula-mula Kalla dengan gunting kecil memotong rambut Ibu Mufidah Kalla dan anak-anaknya, kemudian rombongan lain, termasuk wartawan.
Pemimpin Redaksi Detik.com Budiono dan Wakil Pemimpin Redaksi Antara Akhmad Kusaeni termasuk yang dipotong rambutnya oleh Wapres.
Selain melakukan umrah, Kalla juga akan menyaksikan prosesi pencucian Kabah pada hari Kamis (24/1) dan Madinah untuk ziarah ke makam Nabi Muhamad SAW dan para sahabat, selain shalat di Mesjid Nabawi. (*)
Copyright © 2008 ANTARA
Jumat, 18 Januari 2008
2008 SENIOR JOURNALIST SEMINAR
Jun 8-28 2008 - Honolulu, Hawaii
This seminar offers senior journalists an opportunity to dialogue, travel, and exchange on issues of the relationship between Asian countries and the United States. The seminar is open to working print, broadcast, and online journalists from the United States and Asian countries with substantial Muslim populations.
Application deadline: Jan 31 2008.
http://www.comminit.com/en/node/266470
Contact JournalismFellowship@eastwestcenter.org
Ayun SundariExternal Relations/Civil Society Liaison Officer Indonesia Resident MissionAsian Development BankTel +62 21 5798 0600
www.adb.org/irm
This seminar offers senior journalists an opportunity to dialogue, travel, and exchange on issues of the relationship between Asian countries and the United States. The seminar is open to working print, broadcast, and online journalists from the United States and Asian countries with substantial Muslim populations.
Application deadline: Jan 31 2008.
http://www.comminit.com/en/node/266470
Contact JournalismFellowship@eastwestcenter.org
Ayun SundariExternal Relations/Civil Society Liaison Officer Indonesia Resident MissionAsian Development BankTel +62 21 5798 0600
www.adb.org/irm
FELLOWSHIPS FOR JOURNALIST
PRESS RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Contact:
Connie Rubio
Email: newsroom@admu.edu.ph
Tel. No.: 0063-2-9263253Fax. No.: 0063-2-9263254
Applications for 15 fellowships for journalists open till Feb. 29
MANILA, 10 January 2008 -- Applications for the 2008 Fellowships for
the Master of Arts in Journalism are now being accepted by the Konrad Adenauer AsianCenter for Journalism at the Ateneo de Manila University (ACFJ).Fifteen fellowships are awarded yearly. This year?s deadline forapplications is 29 February 2008.
The fellowships are awarded to full-time Asian journalists who have excellent professional and academic record, a strong commitment togood journalism and leadership qualities. A grant covers tuition andother expenses for the two-year M. A. Journalism program offered bythe Ateneo de Manila University.
Since 2003, 42 journalists from Bangladesh, China, Indonesia,Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines have received the grants.Thirty three of them have completed the degree as of 2007.Designed for working journalists, the M.A. Journalism program is anonline distance learning program with limited classroom sessions held at the Ateneo campus in Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines.
The curriculum is comprised of 12 courses including courses in ethics,and specialized reporting and writing courses such as InternationalReporting, Investigative Journalism and Reporting about Religions. The programs design allows working journalists and other mediaprofessionals to study at their own pace and time, and in their ownhomes or workplaces. The international faculty includes experiencedjournalists and academics from Australia, Canada, U.S., U.K. Germany,the Philippines, India and Malaysia.
ACFJ, a joint project of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) and the Ateneo,was founded in June 2000 to promote good journalism in Asia byproviding training opportunities primarily for working journalists.Application forms for the fellowship grant may be downloaded from http://ateneo.edu/acfj or requested by e-mail at newsroom@admu.edu.ph.ACFJ may also be contacted by phone at 632-926-3253 or 632-426-6001(local 5211), or fax at 632-926-3254.
For admission to the M.A. program, a separate set of application formsare required. These are also available from ACFJ or the Ateneo'sOffice of Graduate Studies (OGS).
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Contact:
Connie Rubio
Email: newsroom@admu.edu.ph
Tel. No.: 0063-2-9263253Fax. No.: 0063-2-9263254
Applications for 15 fellowships for journalists open till Feb. 29
MANILA, 10 January 2008 -- Applications for the 2008 Fellowships for
the Master of Arts in Journalism are now being accepted by the Konrad Adenauer AsianCenter for Journalism at the Ateneo de Manila University (ACFJ).Fifteen fellowships are awarded yearly. This year?s deadline forapplications is 29 February 2008.
The fellowships are awarded to full-time Asian journalists who have excellent professional and academic record, a strong commitment togood journalism and leadership qualities. A grant covers tuition andother expenses for the two-year M. A. Journalism program offered bythe Ateneo de Manila University.
Since 2003, 42 journalists from Bangladesh, China, Indonesia,Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines have received the grants.Thirty three of them have completed the degree as of 2007.Designed for working journalists, the M.A. Journalism program is anonline distance learning program with limited classroom sessions held at the Ateneo campus in Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines.
The curriculum is comprised of 12 courses including courses in ethics,and specialized reporting and writing courses such as InternationalReporting, Investigative Journalism and Reporting about Religions. The programs design allows working journalists and other mediaprofessionals to study at their own pace and time, and in their ownhomes or workplaces. The international faculty includes experiencedjournalists and academics from Australia, Canada, U.S., U.K. Germany,the Philippines, India and Malaysia.
ACFJ, a joint project of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) and the Ateneo,was founded in June 2000 to promote good journalism in Asia byproviding training opportunities primarily for working journalists.Application forms for the fellowship grant may be downloaded from http://ateneo.edu/acfj or requested by e-mail at newsroom@admu.edu.ph.ACFJ may also be contacted by phone at 632-926-3253 or 632-426-6001(local 5211), or fax at 632-926-3254.
For admission to the M.A. program, a separate set of application formsare required. These are also available from ACFJ or the Ateneo'sOffice of Graduate Studies (OGS).
Jumat, 04 Januari 2008
THE FALL OF SUHARTO
By Akhmad Kusaeni
It was the story of the end of an era: The fall of Suharto. Students in Indonesia were not chanting reformasi! any longer. Reformasi, meaning reform, by the mid of May 1998, seems an obsolete term. They began to use the more heroic and eerie term. They then shouted Revolusi sampai mati! --- revolution until death. The new chant resembles a similar one from 53 years ago, when Indonesian struggled for their independence from the Dutch: Merdeka atau mati! --- independence or die.
The economic disease had spread too far. For the past three decades, Indonesia has been one of Asia’s most powerful economies. During this period, its economy grew at an average annual rate of seven percent. But when financial turmoil struck the region last July, Indonesia’s economic achievements quickly unraveled.
Since then, its currency, the rupiah, has lost nearly 80 percent of its value. Before crisis, the values of rupiah were relatively stable with Rp3.000 per $1 U.S. dollar. During the crisis, rupiah jumped to Rp15.000 per $1 U.S. dollar. Banks and major companies have collapsed overnight. Unemployment has increased dramatically and food prices have skyrocketed.
Riots have erupted across the country, most of which are directed at ethnic Chinese, who make-up three percent of the population, yet control approximately three-quarters of the nation’s wealth. If economic conditions didn’t improve, many experts warned that Indonesia might plunge into social and political chaos.
But his handling of the recent economic crisis has failed to restore confidence both at home and abroad. Many contend that his reluctance to adhere to the International Monetary Fund’s prescribed reforms has exacerbated the current crisis. And despite his repeated promises, President Suharto has failed to dismantle the monopolies and cartels that control the economy, many of which are run by his family and friends.
Furthermore, his plan to peg the rupiah against the U.S. dollar has provoked international criticism. Continued defiance of the IMF plan may prompt its board to suspend future payments of its $33 billion loan package, potentially causing even greater chaos in the region.
When economics crisis became worst, it was too late for Suharto to recover. The bottom line was that the people have lost all confidence in him. Among mainstream leaders, Amien Rais (now holding position as the National Assembly’s House Speaker) was one of the first to see the potential for a mass uprising against Suharto. He said: “We must not afraid of the term “people’s power”. That, after all, was how we gained independence and again how we toppled Sukarno in 1966”.
Therefor, the student protest then continued to gain strength, with students all over the country demanding immediate “total reform” (reformasi total). The level of violence increased as the demonstrations grew in the strength and size, and the confrontation started to claim fatalities. On May 8, 1998, a demonstrator was beaten to death be security personnel in Yogyakarta, and the day after a plain-clothes security officer died in student demonstration in Bogor. The two deaths contributed to exacerbating the tension and animosity between the students and the security forces. On May 12, the troops shot dead four students in a demonstration at the Trisakti University in Jakarta. The Trisakti shootings were widely covered by the media, and the four slain students were dubbed “heroes of reform” (pahlawan reformasi).[1]
The next day (May 13) a memorial ceremony was held at the Trisakti University, which was attended by thousands of students from different universities in Jakarta. Several of Suharto’s most prominent critics in the previous six months came to speak to students, such as Amien Rais and Megawati Sukarnoputri (now VP under President Abdurrahman Wahid’s government). Meanwhile, a large crowd assembled outside the campus gates to watch the students’ activities and famous speakers who took part in the ceremony. Around noon the crowd started to become uneasy, and some of them called the students to go out on the streets to march to parliament building and Presidential Palace.
When the students declined, the crowd continued to grow restive, and some street lamps were smashed. Shortly afterwards, a passing garbage truck was stopped and set on fire. From the area around the Trisakti University, the rioting spread to nearby area and then to all over Jakarta.
In Center Business District Grogol, several shops, almost exclusively Chinese-owned, were looted, with rioters carrying away refrigerators, computers, TV sets and other electronic goods. Some of the goods were also taken out on the streets and set on fire, together with numerous cars and some motorbikes parked on the streets. Many shops were smashed or set on fire after they had been looted. The rioting continued throughout the night, and the next day, May 14, it flared up all over Jakarta and in the neighboring towns of Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi.
According to Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF, Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta) over 1.000 people died in the riots which were the worst seen by far in Jakarta. Hundreds of banks and offices were partly or completely destroyed and close to 2.000 motor vehicles were set on fire. Rioters also attacked numerous police stations, hotels, restaurants, and gas
stations. An official estimate put the value of damaged property at almost 400 million US dollars.
One of the most gruesome aspects of the riots was the rape and sexual assault of large number of women, most of them of Chinese descent. The TGPF verified 64 cases of rape, several of them involving killing or mutilation of the victims. In the conclusion, these protest and riots, spearheaded by students, finally led to downfall of Suharto on May 21, 1998.
How can one explain the fall of Suharto, a long-term 'strongman' in May 1998, who had not only ruled for thirty-two years but had also been unanimously elected seventy-two days earlier? Was he the victim of a power struggle among the political elite, including the military, or was his fall simply the result of a momentum that had built up over many years and which exploded with the onset of the financial crisis?
Four western’s scholar tried to make analyses on the downfall of Suharto in their interesting and important books. They were Stefan Eklof in Indonesian Politics in Crises: The Long Fall of Suharto, 1996-98 ; Michael R.J. Vatikiotis in Indonesian Politics under Suharto: The Rise and Fall the New Order ; Adam Schwarz in A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia’s Search for Stability ; and Damien Kingsbury in Politics of Indonesia.
Stefan Eklof, in his book, tried to explore the two-year political crisis in Indonesia, which led to the fall of Suharto. Eklof, of the Center for East and Southeast Asian Studies at Lund University, Denmark, carried out research in Indonesia on four separate occasions during 1997-1998. Based on his research, he admitted that Suharto’s fall was precipitated by the economic crisis and the dynamics of international market mechanisms. But, according to him, the Asian economic crisis was not the beginning of the story.
In preface of his book he stated:
“Economic collapse provided the impetus for the political crisis to evolve in full, but Indonesia was already in the midst of a political legitimacy crisis when the economic crisis struck in mid-1997”.
This political crisis, its background and development, was the theme for his book. But, Eklof, also gave the readers a brief history about Suharto (born in 1921) and his “military dictatorship”. Yes, few of the world’s major countries have been so completely dominated by one person as Indonesia was by Suharto from the mid-1960s to 1998. When he was forced to step down in May 1998 he had already by far surpassed his predecessor and Indonesia’s first president Sukarno, as the country’s longest serving head of state. As Suharto had led Indonesia for 32 years, few other world leaders had led their countries for longer than the Indonesian president.
Suharto and his New Order regime came to power in 1966 in the wake of an abortive coup attempt the year before in which six top army generals were murdered. The circumstances around the coup were still unclear, but the event provided a pretext for the military to move against its main political adversary, the Indonesian Communist Party, PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia). In a nation-wide purge from October 1965 to March 1966, an estimated 500.000 real and imagined Communist were killed as long-standing social and political tension exploded, fuelled by the army’s organized campaign against the PKI.[2]
During his 32 years in power, according to Eklof’s book, Suharto presided over tremendous changes in the social and economic spheres. Enormous progress was made in health, education, agriculture and poverty eradication to mention a few of the most important fields. This was at the heart of Suharto’s and the New Order’s legitimacy.
How was Suharto maintaining his power for such very long time? Suharto has been succeeding in making himself as president, general and king. The political structure of his New Order regime can be described as a steeply ascending pyramid in which the heights are thoroughly dominated by single office, the presidency. The President commands the military, which is primus interpares within bureaucracy, which in turn holds sway over the society.
David Jenkins, Australian journalist, describes the degree of control Suharto had achieved almost three decades after taking power:
Suharto stood at the apex of the pyramid; his appointees sat in each of the key executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government. His writ extended into every department and into every state-run corporation; it reached down, if he chose, to every village…In short, he had established himself as the paramount figure in a society in which deference to authority is deeply rooted[3].
Golkar is the government’s party, an electoral vehicle given its present form in 1969 in order to deny any parliamentary majority to the other parties. Its seats are filled with men and women who have or have had bureaucratic careers or are in other ways connected to bureaucracy. In Parliament and Assembly, the Golkar delegations have never taken autonomous initiatives, but served instead as the sponsors of policies arrived at elsewhere in the government. A large majority of the 1000-members Assembly is appointed or approved by the sitting executive. Every five years, all 1000 members “vote” by acclamation for Suharto’s re-election. Before his resignation, Suharto has just elected for the seventh terms of presidency.
Critics of the New Order had often been tended to characterize the regime as a military dictatorship. The relationship between ABRI (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia) and the civilian politicians was always uneasy. The military vigorously defended in prominence in politics, enshrined in the doctrine of the dual function (dwifungsi) of the military.
The doctrine stipulated that ABRI, because of its historical role in the struggle for national independence, had two roles, one in defense and security, and the other in social political management. ABRI also saw itself as the essential vanguard for national stability and unity. Most evidently, the dual function meant that ABRI was represented by an appointed faction in parliament, and that active and retired officers held the key post in the government and throughout the bureaucracy. Besides the presidency, ABRI clearly was Indonesia’s most politically influential institution under the New Order.
So, in the case of May riots, Eklof believed that the military were involved in instigating the riots. He stated:
“The involvement of personnel from the special forces, Kopassus, in all three cities, Jakarta, Medan and Solo, seems particularly incriminating, and strengthens suspicions that the group of senior officers around Lieutenant-General Prabowo (former Kopassus Commander) was responsible for instigating at least parts of the unrest”.
It was not completely clear what motive, or motives, Prabowo and the group around him would have had for instigating the riots. Adam Schwarz, in his book “A Nation in Waiting”, had quoted Indonesian’s scholar Dewi Fortuna Anwar:
“It’s very hard to believe the riots were spontaneous. It was all done with military precision”.
For Schwarz, an American journalist worked for the Far Eastern Economic Review and now lecturer on Asian politics at John Hopkins University, why the military would instigate riots was also not clear. One theory was that military elements loyal to Prabowo and close to his radical Muslim supporters saw an opportunity to strike at the ethnic-Chinese, in what sociologist Ariel Heryanto called an “act of the state-sponsored terrorism”. It’s aims “to spread greater fear among the large population against whom similar violence could happened at any time”.
Similar to Schwarz views, Stefan Eklof also sees the possibility that the riots were part of a concerted campaign against Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese population. It’s aims to drive parts of the ethnic Chinese business community out of the country and thus facilitating a redistribution of their business and other assets to non-Chinese Indonesians. The rapes and sexual violence against Chinese Indonesian women, primarily in Jakarta, might in this context have been part of the campaign.
Another theory that Adam Schwarz mentioned in his book is that Prabowo and the generals close to him helped foment the riots in a bid for power. According to this theory, Prabowo hoped the riots would discredit Armed Chief Commander General Wiranto and convince Suharto to appoint Prabowo as armed chief commander or chief of a new security agency.
Earlier in the month, Suharto had reportedly considered reconstituting the disbanded internal security agency, Kopkamtib, and putting Prabowo or Army Commander Subagyo in charge of it. He would have been able to do this thanks to the new powers given to him in March at the MPR (National Assembly) session. The Kopkamtib chief would have wide-ranging powers and be outside Wiranto’s chain command.
On the afternoon of May 14, several senior generals and influential civilians held a meeting at armed forces headquarters. The purpose of the meeting was disputed, but several members of government-appointed team that investigated the riots believed the meeting discussed the restoration of Kopkamtib and the granting of emergency powers to Prabowo.
In its formal report, the fact-finding team said there were links between the abduction of pro-democracy activists earlier in the year, the killings at the Trisakti University on May 12 and the riots that began next day.
The TGPF report said:
“The range of incidents climaxing on May 13 to May 15 gives the perception that the situation was engineered to create an emergency which required extra-constitutional force to control”. [4]
The two officers, General Wiranto and General Prabowo, were known to be averse each other. All the four books mention this competition among military elite, but only in Damien Kingsbury’s book, readers could understand these rivalries in very detail.
All the four books had a common ground on one thing that while Suharto out of the country (Suharto visited Egypt at that time), Prabowo might have staged the unrest to create impression that Wiranto was incapable of commanding the security forces and upholding order.
The chaotic situation would have been occasioned a direct intervention by Prabowo to restore order, thus making him stand out as a national savior. This scenario resembles the events of 1965-66, when Suharto used his position as Commander of Strategic Reserve Army (Kostrad) to wrest power from Sukarno. A senior military officer, quoted by Asiaweek, even suggested that it was Prabowo’s plan to take power from Suharto in the same manner.
It was very interesting to know the result of rivalries between General Wiranto and General Prabowo. As it mentioned in Kingsbury’s book “The Politics of Indonesia”, General Wiranto represented the Red and White Faction in ABRI and General Prabowo represented the Green Faction in Indonesia military. Red and White Faction were army officers who close to nationalists, Christians, and other minority group such as Chinese. Green Faction were army officers who close to the modernist Muslim community.
Kingsbury further mentioned that while Suharto’s resignation was greeted with enthusiasm and Vice President Habibie replaced him as the Head of State, real power appeared to be firmly in the hands of General Wiranto. The fact that several army officers closed to Wiranto became minister in Habibie’s “Reform Cabinet” indicated that ABRI was again in the ascendancy, and that the Red and White Faction had won the day.
After a brief and somewhat ill conceived show of power on May 22, in which he told Habibie to appoint him as ABRI Commander-in-chief, Prabowo was shuffled out of Kostrad to the staff and Command College at Bandung. He then applied for earlier retirement from the military and went to Jordan to seek a new life as a businessman. (Prabowo was a close friend of Prince Abdullah of Jordan. They were classmates in Army College in America).
Meanwhile, Prabowo’s military allies were similarly moved from influential positions in what was beginning to look like a purge, to be replaced by Red and White loyalists. In particular, Kopassus Commander Major General Muchdi (Prabowo’s allies) was replaced by Major General Sjahrir (Wiranto’s allies).
Kingsbury made conclusion that:
“The Red and White Faction had not only won in Cabinet; it had also won control of ABRI”.
Michael R.J. Vatikiotis, another U.S scholar who watched closely situation in Indonesia before and after the fall of Suharto, wrote in his book “Indonesian Politics under Suharto” that “there was clearly a virus in the military’s software”.
He mentioned that consistent with Suharto’s long-standing policy of divide and rule within the ranks, Suharto --at the end of the New Order era-- had appointed Wiranto as armed forces commander; another loyal adjutant, Subagyo as army commander, and his son-in-law Prabowo to the key Kostrad commands.
If Subagyo’s intense loyalty to Suharto acted as a check on Wiranto’s professional inclinations, Prabowo was the virus. As Kostrad commander, he had more active troops than Wiranto under his direct command. Prabowo also used his influence with Suharto to have several close fellow officers appointed to other key command in Jakarta.
Wiranto therefore had a tough time mobilizing troops to protect Jakarta once the rioting broke out. Reinforcements had to be brought in from as far as East Java – apparently because Kostrad troops were standing aside to let the looting continue. Later, before removing Prabowo and dispatching him to Staff College in Bandung, Wiranto told Suharto that Prabowo was a “troublemaker”. Suharto, by then out of power, readily agreed.
Habibie, Suharto’s successor, also agreed that Prabowo was a “troublemaker”. In Stefan Eklof’s book, it was mentioned that in the afternoon after Suharto resigned, news spread that the presidential palace was surrounded by troops, believed to have been ordered there by Prabowo. According to intelligence reports, the troops were from Kopassus. Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security Feisal Tanjung ordered troops reduction, but the order was not followed, and instead the number of troops in the city center increased.
In the evening of May 21, Prabowo, accompanied by the Kopassus Commander Major General Muchdi, showed up in full battle gear at the presidential palace and demanded to see Habibie. A scuffle occurred between Prabowo and the presidential guard, as the Kostrad commander initially refused to hand over his gun before entering the place. Eventually Prabowo conceded and was allowed to see Habibie unarmed.
According to one of Habibie’s close associates, Prabowo presented the president with a list people whom he wanted to sit on the cabinet. Wiranto would retain his position as defense minister, but Prabowo demanded that he be replaced as commander-in-chief by the army chief of staff, General Subagyo. Prabowo himself was to be promoted to a new post as deputy commander-in-chief.
Prabowo also reportedly told Habibie that he had already made arrangements to assemble a gathering of Muslims to retake the parliament building and restore order the following morning, and he demanded to be rewarded for this and other services. However, Prabowo eventually left the palace without having had his demands granted by the president. Meanwhile, Habibie, fearing his life, moved to the state guest house Wisma Negara where he remained overnight, but no further disturbances occurred. The obvious threat of a coup d’etat triggered an alert among the other military units in Jakarta, and military presence in Central Jakarta remained heavy for the following 24 hours. [5]
In the morning of May 22, Prabowo was officially relieved of his command over Kostrad at a closed ceremony. He was to be transferred to Bandung where he has assigned as chief of the Army’s Staff and Command School, Seskoad, a position out of the capital and with no combat troops under his command. His associate, Kopassus Commander Major General Muchdi, was also immediately removed from his position. The two replacements marked the beginning of process. Led by Wiranto, to consolidate ABRI and to remove Prabowo’s associates from strategic positions.
The four scholars --Eklof, Schwarz, Vatikiotis and Kingsbury-- agreed that Habibie’s own role in the succession process was unclear. Although there was no evidence that he actively conspired to depose Suharto, the latter possibly believed that Habibie had done so, and after the transfer to power the relationship between the two men became markedly cooler.
Another question mark regards Prabowo’s role. If relationship between Suharto and
Habibie became cooler, it seemed that Suharto after his resignation completely broke with his son-in-law. Eklof stated that:
“There are indications that Prabowo and his associates were involved in instigating parts of the riots in Medan, Jakarta, and Solo, and it has been suggested that the Kostrad commander worked with Habibie to encourage Suharto to resign. Prabowo seems to have counted on benefiting from Habibie’s ascendancy, but his plans backfired as Suharto, on the night before his resignation, reassured himself of Wiranto’s support for the hand-over of power to Habibie. In the new power constellation, there was no room for Prabowo”
It was interesting to find out what Wiranto and Suharto talked about on the night before president resignation. The Jakarta Post quoted informed sources as saying Wiranto went to Suharto’s house on Wednesday evening and, speaking on behalf of the military leadership, “asked the president to resign”. But, either Schwarz or Vatikiotis, they did agree with that speculation.
Vatikiotis wrote:
“At around 10.30 p.m. Wiranto came to see him. Tempting as it is to assume that Wiranto asked him to resign, almost every military source insists that this would have been unthinkable. Wiranto briefed Suharto on the security situation, and doubtless painted a bleak picture”
Schwarz, similar to Vatikiotis, wrote:
“Some believe the military’s version on events exaggerates its role after the fact in order to appear on the side of reform movement”.
Military analyst Salim Said claimed:
“Wiranto just reported to Suharto what was going on without encouraging Suharto to do one thing or another. Until the last minute, Suharto was in control of the army”.
Hasnan Habib, a retired general and former ambassador to the United States, took the same view:
“Wiranto was Suharto’s favourite aide-de-camp. There is no way a Javanese soldier like Wiranto told Suharto to resign. Lots of my colleagues think Wiranto was too passive”.
In the other hand, as it mentioned in Adam Schwarz’s book, General Prabowo considered himself “a king maker”, because he had contributed to the unrest in Jakarta and elsewhere, paving the way for Habibie to take over the presidency.[6]
According to Habibie’s aide Dewi Fortuna Anwar, Prabowo once showed Habibie evidence of his support, including pamphlets supporting Habibie and of the demonstrations he had covertly organized to counter pro-democracy activists. But, Habibie denied Prabowo’s support. Habibie was shrewd enough to prevent Prabowo from doing the same thing to him. If Prabowo could orchestrate the riots in order to topple Suharto, his father-in-law, he might do the same thing to Habibie.
There was a widespread feeling that the students had been exploited as pawns in the political manuevering among the elite. In its final stages, the four authors: Eklof, Schwarz, Vatikiotis, and Kingsbury, had made a conclusion, that “the fall of Suharto was more due to intra-elite manuevering than to ‘people power’”.
They also believed that economic collapse provided the impetus for the political crisis to evolve in full, but Indonesia was already in the midst of a political legitimacy crisis when the economic crisis struck in mid-1997. Therefore, Suharto was nothing less than the victim of a power struggles among the political elite, including the military. His fall simply was the result of a momentum that had built up over many years and which exploded with the onset of the financial crisis.
Clearly, there was no disagreement in terms of substance between the four authors, but rather it reflects their different personal styles of writing. For example, Schwarz was slightly more explanatory, while Vatikiotis is slightly more adversarial. Not surprisingly, the issue of Suharto’s succession haunted both Schwarz and Vatikiotis’s books. While this issue had been critical in contemporary Indonesian politics, it had been the dominant issue on the political agenda since the late 1970s.
Vatikiotis hinted that Suharto would be on his way out either in or soon after 1993 (the year when his first edition of the book published), while Schwarz hinted that Suharto would be looking to step down in 1998 which possible democratization to follow. In this case, Schwarz was absolutely right, while Vatikiotis was not completely wrong. Anyway, Suharto resigned in 1998 just ahead a few years of Vatikiotis prediction.
[1] Kompas Daily Newspaper, Jakarta: May 14, 1998.
[2] R. William Liddle, Leadership and Culture in Indonesian Politics, Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia, 1996.
[3] David Jenkins, Soeharto and his Generals: Indonesian Military Politics 1975-1983, Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1984.
[4] Far Eastern Economic Review, May 28, 1998.
[5] Michael Sheridan, “The Day Civil War Simmered in Indonesia”, Sunday Times, November 8, 1998.
[6] Keith Richburg, “Seven Days in May that Toppled a Titan: Back-Room Intrigue Led to Suharto’s Fall”, Washington Post, May 24, 1998.
It was the story of the end of an era: The fall of Suharto. Students in Indonesia were not chanting reformasi! any longer. Reformasi, meaning reform, by the mid of May 1998, seems an obsolete term. They began to use the more heroic and eerie term. They then shouted Revolusi sampai mati! --- revolution until death. The new chant resembles a similar one from 53 years ago, when Indonesian struggled for their independence from the Dutch: Merdeka atau mati! --- independence or die.
The economic disease had spread too far. For the past three decades, Indonesia has been one of Asia’s most powerful economies. During this period, its economy grew at an average annual rate of seven percent. But when financial turmoil struck the region last July, Indonesia’s economic achievements quickly unraveled.
Since then, its currency, the rupiah, has lost nearly 80 percent of its value. Before crisis, the values of rupiah were relatively stable with Rp3.000 per $1 U.S. dollar. During the crisis, rupiah jumped to Rp15.000 per $1 U.S. dollar. Banks and major companies have collapsed overnight. Unemployment has increased dramatically and food prices have skyrocketed.
Riots have erupted across the country, most of which are directed at ethnic Chinese, who make-up three percent of the population, yet control approximately three-quarters of the nation’s wealth. If economic conditions didn’t improve, many experts warned that Indonesia might plunge into social and political chaos.
But his handling of the recent economic crisis has failed to restore confidence both at home and abroad. Many contend that his reluctance to adhere to the International Monetary Fund’s prescribed reforms has exacerbated the current crisis. And despite his repeated promises, President Suharto has failed to dismantle the monopolies and cartels that control the economy, many of which are run by his family and friends.
Furthermore, his plan to peg the rupiah against the U.S. dollar has provoked international criticism. Continued defiance of the IMF plan may prompt its board to suspend future payments of its $33 billion loan package, potentially causing even greater chaos in the region.
When economics crisis became worst, it was too late for Suharto to recover. The bottom line was that the people have lost all confidence in him. Among mainstream leaders, Amien Rais (now holding position as the National Assembly’s House Speaker) was one of the first to see the potential for a mass uprising against Suharto. He said: “We must not afraid of the term “people’s power”. That, after all, was how we gained independence and again how we toppled Sukarno in 1966”.
Therefor, the student protest then continued to gain strength, with students all over the country demanding immediate “total reform” (reformasi total). The level of violence increased as the demonstrations grew in the strength and size, and the confrontation started to claim fatalities. On May 8, 1998, a demonstrator was beaten to death be security personnel in Yogyakarta, and the day after a plain-clothes security officer died in student demonstration in Bogor. The two deaths contributed to exacerbating the tension and animosity between the students and the security forces. On May 12, the troops shot dead four students in a demonstration at the Trisakti University in Jakarta. The Trisakti shootings were widely covered by the media, and the four slain students were dubbed “heroes of reform” (pahlawan reformasi).[1]
The next day (May 13) a memorial ceremony was held at the Trisakti University, which was attended by thousands of students from different universities in Jakarta. Several of Suharto’s most prominent critics in the previous six months came to speak to students, such as Amien Rais and Megawati Sukarnoputri (now VP under President Abdurrahman Wahid’s government). Meanwhile, a large crowd assembled outside the campus gates to watch the students’ activities and famous speakers who took part in the ceremony. Around noon the crowd started to become uneasy, and some of them called the students to go out on the streets to march to parliament building and Presidential Palace.
When the students declined, the crowd continued to grow restive, and some street lamps were smashed. Shortly afterwards, a passing garbage truck was stopped and set on fire. From the area around the Trisakti University, the rioting spread to nearby area and then to all over Jakarta.
In Center Business District Grogol, several shops, almost exclusively Chinese-owned, were looted, with rioters carrying away refrigerators, computers, TV sets and other electronic goods. Some of the goods were also taken out on the streets and set on fire, together with numerous cars and some motorbikes parked on the streets. Many shops were smashed or set on fire after they had been looted. The rioting continued throughout the night, and the next day, May 14, it flared up all over Jakarta and in the neighboring towns of Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi.
According to Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF, Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta) over 1.000 people died in the riots which were the worst seen by far in Jakarta. Hundreds of banks and offices were partly or completely destroyed and close to 2.000 motor vehicles were set on fire. Rioters also attacked numerous police stations, hotels, restaurants, and gas
stations. An official estimate put the value of damaged property at almost 400 million US dollars.
One of the most gruesome aspects of the riots was the rape and sexual assault of large number of women, most of them of Chinese descent. The TGPF verified 64 cases of rape, several of them involving killing or mutilation of the victims. In the conclusion, these protest and riots, spearheaded by students, finally led to downfall of Suharto on May 21, 1998.
How can one explain the fall of Suharto, a long-term 'strongman' in May 1998, who had not only ruled for thirty-two years but had also been unanimously elected seventy-two days earlier? Was he the victim of a power struggle among the political elite, including the military, or was his fall simply the result of a momentum that had built up over many years and which exploded with the onset of the financial crisis?
Four western’s scholar tried to make analyses on the downfall of Suharto in their interesting and important books. They were Stefan Eklof in Indonesian Politics in Crises: The Long Fall of Suharto, 1996-98 ; Michael R.J. Vatikiotis in Indonesian Politics under Suharto: The Rise and Fall the New Order ; Adam Schwarz in A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia’s Search for Stability ; and Damien Kingsbury in Politics of Indonesia.
Stefan Eklof, in his book, tried to explore the two-year political crisis in Indonesia, which led to the fall of Suharto. Eklof, of the Center for East and Southeast Asian Studies at Lund University, Denmark, carried out research in Indonesia on four separate occasions during 1997-1998. Based on his research, he admitted that Suharto’s fall was precipitated by the economic crisis and the dynamics of international market mechanisms. But, according to him, the Asian economic crisis was not the beginning of the story.
In preface of his book he stated:
“Economic collapse provided the impetus for the political crisis to evolve in full, but Indonesia was already in the midst of a political legitimacy crisis when the economic crisis struck in mid-1997”.
This political crisis, its background and development, was the theme for his book. But, Eklof, also gave the readers a brief history about Suharto (born in 1921) and his “military dictatorship”. Yes, few of the world’s major countries have been so completely dominated by one person as Indonesia was by Suharto from the mid-1960s to 1998. When he was forced to step down in May 1998 he had already by far surpassed his predecessor and Indonesia’s first president Sukarno, as the country’s longest serving head of state. As Suharto had led Indonesia for 32 years, few other world leaders had led their countries for longer than the Indonesian president.
Suharto and his New Order regime came to power in 1966 in the wake of an abortive coup attempt the year before in which six top army generals were murdered. The circumstances around the coup were still unclear, but the event provided a pretext for the military to move against its main political adversary, the Indonesian Communist Party, PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia). In a nation-wide purge from October 1965 to March 1966, an estimated 500.000 real and imagined Communist were killed as long-standing social and political tension exploded, fuelled by the army’s organized campaign against the PKI.[2]
During his 32 years in power, according to Eklof’s book, Suharto presided over tremendous changes in the social and economic spheres. Enormous progress was made in health, education, agriculture and poverty eradication to mention a few of the most important fields. This was at the heart of Suharto’s and the New Order’s legitimacy.
How was Suharto maintaining his power for such very long time? Suharto has been succeeding in making himself as president, general and king. The political structure of his New Order regime can be described as a steeply ascending pyramid in which the heights are thoroughly dominated by single office, the presidency. The President commands the military, which is primus interpares within bureaucracy, which in turn holds sway over the society.
David Jenkins, Australian journalist, describes the degree of control Suharto had achieved almost three decades after taking power:
Suharto stood at the apex of the pyramid; his appointees sat in each of the key executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government. His writ extended into every department and into every state-run corporation; it reached down, if he chose, to every village…In short, he had established himself as the paramount figure in a society in which deference to authority is deeply rooted[3].
Golkar is the government’s party, an electoral vehicle given its present form in 1969 in order to deny any parliamentary majority to the other parties. Its seats are filled with men and women who have or have had bureaucratic careers or are in other ways connected to bureaucracy. In Parliament and Assembly, the Golkar delegations have never taken autonomous initiatives, but served instead as the sponsors of policies arrived at elsewhere in the government. A large majority of the 1000-members Assembly is appointed or approved by the sitting executive. Every five years, all 1000 members “vote” by acclamation for Suharto’s re-election. Before his resignation, Suharto has just elected for the seventh terms of presidency.
Critics of the New Order had often been tended to characterize the regime as a military dictatorship. The relationship between ABRI (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia) and the civilian politicians was always uneasy. The military vigorously defended in prominence in politics, enshrined in the doctrine of the dual function (dwifungsi) of the military.
The doctrine stipulated that ABRI, because of its historical role in the struggle for national independence, had two roles, one in defense and security, and the other in social political management. ABRI also saw itself as the essential vanguard for national stability and unity. Most evidently, the dual function meant that ABRI was represented by an appointed faction in parliament, and that active and retired officers held the key post in the government and throughout the bureaucracy. Besides the presidency, ABRI clearly was Indonesia’s most politically influential institution under the New Order.
So, in the case of May riots, Eklof believed that the military were involved in instigating the riots. He stated:
“The involvement of personnel from the special forces, Kopassus, in all three cities, Jakarta, Medan and Solo, seems particularly incriminating, and strengthens suspicions that the group of senior officers around Lieutenant-General Prabowo (former Kopassus Commander) was responsible for instigating at least parts of the unrest”.
It was not completely clear what motive, or motives, Prabowo and the group around him would have had for instigating the riots. Adam Schwarz, in his book “A Nation in Waiting”, had quoted Indonesian’s scholar Dewi Fortuna Anwar:
“It’s very hard to believe the riots were spontaneous. It was all done with military precision”.
For Schwarz, an American journalist worked for the Far Eastern Economic Review and now lecturer on Asian politics at John Hopkins University, why the military would instigate riots was also not clear. One theory was that military elements loyal to Prabowo and close to his radical Muslim supporters saw an opportunity to strike at the ethnic-Chinese, in what sociologist Ariel Heryanto called an “act of the state-sponsored terrorism”. It’s aims “to spread greater fear among the large population against whom similar violence could happened at any time”.
Similar to Schwarz views, Stefan Eklof also sees the possibility that the riots were part of a concerted campaign against Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese population. It’s aims to drive parts of the ethnic Chinese business community out of the country and thus facilitating a redistribution of their business and other assets to non-Chinese Indonesians. The rapes and sexual violence against Chinese Indonesian women, primarily in Jakarta, might in this context have been part of the campaign.
Another theory that Adam Schwarz mentioned in his book is that Prabowo and the generals close to him helped foment the riots in a bid for power. According to this theory, Prabowo hoped the riots would discredit Armed Chief Commander General Wiranto and convince Suharto to appoint Prabowo as armed chief commander or chief of a new security agency.
Earlier in the month, Suharto had reportedly considered reconstituting the disbanded internal security agency, Kopkamtib, and putting Prabowo or Army Commander Subagyo in charge of it. He would have been able to do this thanks to the new powers given to him in March at the MPR (National Assembly) session. The Kopkamtib chief would have wide-ranging powers and be outside Wiranto’s chain command.
On the afternoon of May 14, several senior generals and influential civilians held a meeting at armed forces headquarters. The purpose of the meeting was disputed, but several members of government-appointed team that investigated the riots believed the meeting discussed the restoration of Kopkamtib and the granting of emergency powers to Prabowo.
In its formal report, the fact-finding team said there were links between the abduction of pro-democracy activists earlier in the year, the killings at the Trisakti University on May 12 and the riots that began next day.
The TGPF report said:
“The range of incidents climaxing on May 13 to May 15 gives the perception that the situation was engineered to create an emergency which required extra-constitutional force to control”. [4]
The two officers, General Wiranto and General Prabowo, were known to be averse each other. All the four books mention this competition among military elite, but only in Damien Kingsbury’s book, readers could understand these rivalries in very detail.
All the four books had a common ground on one thing that while Suharto out of the country (Suharto visited Egypt at that time), Prabowo might have staged the unrest to create impression that Wiranto was incapable of commanding the security forces and upholding order.
The chaotic situation would have been occasioned a direct intervention by Prabowo to restore order, thus making him stand out as a national savior. This scenario resembles the events of 1965-66, when Suharto used his position as Commander of Strategic Reserve Army (Kostrad) to wrest power from Sukarno. A senior military officer, quoted by Asiaweek, even suggested that it was Prabowo’s plan to take power from Suharto in the same manner.
It was very interesting to know the result of rivalries between General Wiranto and General Prabowo. As it mentioned in Kingsbury’s book “The Politics of Indonesia”, General Wiranto represented the Red and White Faction in ABRI and General Prabowo represented the Green Faction in Indonesia military. Red and White Faction were army officers who close to nationalists, Christians, and other minority group such as Chinese. Green Faction were army officers who close to the modernist Muslim community.
Kingsbury further mentioned that while Suharto’s resignation was greeted with enthusiasm and Vice President Habibie replaced him as the Head of State, real power appeared to be firmly in the hands of General Wiranto. The fact that several army officers closed to Wiranto became minister in Habibie’s “Reform Cabinet” indicated that ABRI was again in the ascendancy, and that the Red and White Faction had won the day.
After a brief and somewhat ill conceived show of power on May 22, in which he told Habibie to appoint him as ABRI Commander-in-chief, Prabowo was shuffled out of Kostrad to the staff and Command College at Bandung. He then applied for earlier retirement from the military and went to Jordan to seek a new life as a businessman. (Prabowo was a close friend of Prince Abdullah of Jordan. They were classmates in Army College in America).
Meanwhile, Prabowo’s military allies were similarly moved from influential positions in what was beginning to look like a purge, to be replaced by Red and White loyalists. In particular, Kopassus Commander Major General Muchdi (Prabowo’s allies) was replaced by Major General Sjahrir (Wiranto’s allies).
Kingsbury made conclusion that:
“The Red and White Faction had not only won in Cabinet; it had also won control of ABRI”.
Michael R.J. Vatikiotis, another U.S scholar who watched closely situation in Indonesia before and after the fall of Suharto, wrote in his book “Indonesian Politics under Suharto” that “there was clearly a virus in the military’s software”.
He mentioned that consistent with Suharto’s long-standing policy of divide and rule within the ranks, Suharto --at the end of the New Order era-- had appointed Wiranto as armed forces commander; another loyal adjutant, Subagyo as army commander, and his son-in-law Prabowo to the key Kostrad commands.
If Subagyo’s intense loyalty to Suharto acted as a check on Wiranto’s professional inclinations, Prabowo was the virus. As Kostrad commander, he had more active troops than Wiranto under his direct command. Prabowo also used his influence with Suharto to have several close fellow officers appointed to other key command in Jakarta.
Wiranto therefore had a tough time mobilizing troops to protect Jakarta once the rioting broke out. Reinforcements had to be brought in from as far as East Java – apparently because Kostrad troops were standing aside to let the looting continue. Later, before removing Prabowo and dispatching him to Staff College in Bandung, Wiranto told Suharto that Prabowo was a “troublemaker”. Suharto, by then out of power, readily agreed.
Habibie, Suharto’s successor, also agreed that Prabowo was a “troublemaker”. In Stefan Eklof’s book, it was mentioned that in the afternoon after Suharto resigned, news spread that the presidential palace was surrounded by troops, believed to have been ordered there by Prabowo. According to intelligence reports, the troops were from Kopassus. Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security Feisal Tanjung ordered troops reduction, but the order was not followed, and instead the number of troops in the city center increased.
In the evening of May 21, Prabowo, accompanied by the Kopassus Commander Major General Muchdi, showed up in full battle gear at the presidential palace and demanded to see Habibie. A scuffle occurred between Prabowo and the presidential guard, as the Kostrad commander initially refused to hand over his gun before entering the place. Eventually Prabowo conceded and was allowed to see Habibie unarmed.
According to one of Habibie’s close associates, Prabowo presented the president with a list people whom he wanted to sit on the cabinet. Wiranto would retain his position as defense minister, but Prabowo demanded that he be replaced as commander-in-chief by the army chief of staff, General Subagyo. Prabowo himself was to be promoted to a new post as deputy commander-in-chief.
Prabowo also reportedly told Habibie that he had already made arrangements to assemble a gathering of Muslims to retake the parliament building and restore order the following morning, and he demanded to be rewarded for this and other services. However, Prabowo eventually left the palace without having had his demands granted by the president. Meanwhile, Habibie, fearing his life, moved to the state guest house Wisma Negara where he remained overnight, but no further disturbances occurred. The obvious threat of a coup d’etat triggered an alert among the other military units in Jakarta, and military presence in Central Jakarta remained heavy for the following 24 hours. [5]
In the morning of May 22, Prabowo was officially relieved of his command over Kostrad at a closed ceremony. He was to be transferred to Bandung where he has assigned as chief of the Army’s Staff and Command School, Seskoad, a position out of the capital and with no combat troops under his command. His associate, Kopassus Commander Major General Muchdi, was also immediately removed from his position. The two replacements marked the beginning of process. Led by Wiranto, to consolidate ABRI and to remove Prabowo’s associates from strategic positions.
The four scholars --Eklof, Schwarz, Vatikiotis and Kingsbury-- agreed that Habibie’s own role in the succession process was unclear. Although there was no evidence that he actively conspired to depose Suharto, the latter possibly believed that Habibie had done so, and after the transfer to power the relationship between the two men became markedly cooler.
Another question mark regards Prabowo’s role. If relationship between Suharto and
Habibie became cooler, it seemed that Suharto after his resignation completely broke with his son-in-law. Eklof stated that:
“There are indications that Prabowo and his associates were involved in instigating parts of the riots in Medan, Jakarta, and Solo, and it has been suggested that the Kostrad commander worked with Habibie to encourage Suharto to resign. Prabowo seems to have counted on benefiting from Habibie’s ascendancy, but his plans backfired as Suharto, on the night before his resignation, reassured himself of Wiranto’s support for the hand-over of power to Habibie. In the new power constellation, there was no room for Prabowo”
It was interesting to find out what Wiranto and Suharto talked about on the night before president resignation. The Jakarta Post quoted informed sources as saying Wiranto went to Suharto’s house on Wednesday evening and, speaking on behalf of the military leadership, “asked the president to resign”. But, either Schwarz or Vatikiotis, they did agree with that speculation.
Vatikiotis wrote:
“At around 10.30 p.m. Wiranto came to see him. Tempting as it is to assume that Wiranto asked him to resign, almost every military source insists that this would have been unthinkable. Wiranto briefed Suharto on the security situation, and doubtless painted a bleak picture”
Schwarz, similar to Vatikiotis, wrote:
“Some believe the military’s version on events exaggerates its role after the fact in order to appear on the side of reform movement”.
Military analyst Salim Said claimed:
“Wiranto just reported to Suharto what was going on without encouraging Suharto to do one thing or another. Until the last minute, Suharto was in control of the army”.
Hasnan Habib, a retired general and former ambassador to the United States, took the same view:
“Wiranto was Suharto’s favourite aide-de-camp. There is no way a Javanese soldier like Wiranto told Suharto to resign. Lots of my colleagues think Wiranto was too passive”.
In the other hand, as it mentioned in Adam Schwarz’s book, General Prabowo considered himself “a king maker”, because he had contributed to the unrest in Jakarta and elsewhere, paving the way for Habibie to take over the presidency.[6]
According to Habibie’s aide Dewi Fortuna Anwar, Prabowo once showed Habibie evidence of his support, including pamphlets supporting Habibie and of the demonstrations he had covertly organized to counter pro-democracy activists. But, Habibie denied Prabowo’s support. Habibie was shrewd enough to prevent Prabowo from doing the same thing to him. If Prabowo could orchestrate the riots in order to topple Suharto, his father-in-law, he might do the same thing to Habibie.
There was a widespread feeling that the students had been exploited as pawns in the political manuevering among the elite. In its final stages, the four authors: Eklof, Schwarz, Vatikiotis, and Kingsbury, had made a conclusion, that “the fall of Suharto was more due to intra-elite manuevering than to ‘people power’”.
They also believed that economic collapse provided the impetus for the political crisis to evolve in full, but Indonesia was already in the midst of a political legitimacy crisis when the economic crisis struck in mid-1997. Therefore, Suharto was nothing less than the victim of a power struggles among the political elite, including the military. His fall simply was the result of a momentum that had built up over many years and which exploded with the onset of the financial crisis.
Clearly, there was no disagreement in terms of substance between the four authors, but rather it reflects their different personal styles of writing. For example, Schwarz was slightly more explanatory, while Vatikiotis is slightly more adversarial. Not surprisingly, the issue of Suharto’s succession haunted both Schwarz and Vatikiotis’s books. While this issue had been critical in contemporary Indonesian politics, it had been the dominant issue on the political agenda since the late 1970s.
Vatikiotis hinted that Suharto would be on his way out either in or soon after 1993 (the year when his first edition of the book published), while Schwarz hinted that Suharto would be looking to step down in 1998 which possible democratization to follow. In this case, Schwarz was absolutely right, while Vatikiotis was not completely wrong. Anyway, Suharto resigned in 1998 just ahead a few years of Vatikiotis prediction.
[1] Kompas Daily Newspaper, Jakarta: May 14, 1998.
[2] R. William Liddle, Leadership and Culture in Indonesian Politics, Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia, 1996.
[3] David Jenkins, Soeharto and his Generals: Indonesian Military Politics 1975-1983, Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1984.
[4] Far Eastern Economic Review, May 28, 1998.
[5] Michael Sheridan, “The Day Civil War Simmered in Indonesia”, Sunday Times, November 8, 1998.
[6] Keith Richburg, “Seven Days in May that Toppled a Titan: Back-Room Intrigue Led to Suharto’s Fall”, Washington Post, May 24, 1998.
THE INTERNET RULES
By Akhmad Kusaeni
“The pen is mightier than the sword, but the Internet rules”.
This slogan written in a drinking mugs and distributed as souvenir to the guests when Malaysiakini.com celebrated its first anniversary in 2000.
The Internet rules? At least it does in Malaysia.
(In what context was Malaysiakini born?)
In Malaysia, the mainstream media rarely publish articles critical of the powers that be. That leaves Malaysia’s best-known web newspaper, Malaysiakini.com, as the country’s only credible independent voice. Malaysiakini had broken “the government’s monopoly on the truth”. Just over a year since it began operations in November 1999, the site claims 250,000 readers a day.
Malaysiakini was formed by journalists who had worked in the mainstream media, who were getting a bit fed up with the level of censorship in the mainstream media. Steven Gan, one of the founders, felt there was a need to get into an alternative medium to break self-censorship, to get across to Malaysians ... that information is not getting through.
(A proof of diminishing control of information)
There are a few reasons why the Internet was the best way for alternative media. The first reason is because there are quite a lot of people going into the Internet. It is a new medium and it is not being censored. Other reasons are they don't need to raise that much money; they don't have to worry about distribution--it is there already. They also don't have to get a publication license, which is required of all print and broadcast media in Malaysia.
“With an Internet site you don't have to worry about getting a publication license, you don't need to worry about getting an annual permit, to renew it ..,” said Gan in an interview.
In short words, Malaysiakini is a proof of diminishing state control of information and the media. The ruling party in Malaysia (UMNO), and its allies, might owned or controlled most of the mainstream newspapers and broadcast stations in the country. Malaysian Government might have a very strict licensing that makes it virtually impossible for critical newspapers to emerge. There is very little room for editors in print and broadcast media to go beyond, in terms of criticizing the governing political parties in Malaysia. But, Malaysiakini had effectively sidestepped the tough regulations by publishing solely on the Internet.
(The factors behind its success)
Malaysiakini help to improve the media situation in Malaysia. That online newspaper is putting pressures on the mainstream media by reporting things that are not being reported by mainstream media. People are able to see that there is other news that is not being reported in the mainstream media.
For example, the chief justice had gone on holiday with a corporate lawyer who had appeared in his court. That was clearly a case of judicial misconduct, but that was not appeared in headlines of the mainstream media. Only Malaysiakini had published that controversial holiday.
There were photos on the Internet of the chief justice and the lawyer together in New Zealand. Malaysiakini also published evidences, which included ticket stubs showing that they actually took the same plane all the way to and from New Zealand with their families.
Malaysiakini attracts public attention because it gives people “the other side of stories”. It gives them “out there news”. It gives information that they couldn’t find it in mainstream media.
There are other factors behind its success. The most important thing is Malaysiakini breaks “government’s monopoly of the truth”. Malaysiakini becomes one of the country’s only sources of independent news.
International Press Institute (IPI) gave Media Pioneer Award to Malaysiakini because “the online organization works against a backdrop of harsh government restriction on independent and pro-opposition print media”.
IPI Media Pioneer Award was established to honor “individual or organizations who have fought against great odds to ensure free and more independent media in their country”.
(What could make it fail in the future?)
Despite the site’s popularity, however, Malaysiakini financial fortunes faltered. In order to survive, it began charging a subscription fee to access a portion of its content in February 2002. Annual subscription fees range from $36 to $79.
Malaysiakini now averages about 15.000 readers per day, said Charmaine Ong, business development manager, a sharp drop from the 250.000 readers the site formerly attracted. The fail in its readership is partly attributed to the more stable political climate.
The mainstream newspapers took a hit in terms of their circulation and readership during and after the trial of Anwar Ibrahim because of the public’s hunger for more balanced and independent news coverage. Alternative news providers flourished and mainstream newspapers began to see a decline.
Since then, the political atmosphere in Malaysia has quieted down and this climate of relative calm has helped mainstream newspapers regain readers. Mainstream newspapers are also now more aware of the need and reader’s demand for more independent and balanced coverage.
(Malaysiakini, power and public sphere)
While Malaysiakini says they are fighting for the “free press” in Malaysia, to the Malaysian elite the press is not for the open discussion of issues, but for relaying and publicizing policies already agreed. In other words, to the Malaysian ruling government, Malaysiakini is not the Messiah of the Press – he’s just a very naughty boy!
In Malaysia, every segment of the community, including media, has to operate within an understanding of what is best described as the “Malaysian way”. As defined by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad on many occasions, the “Malaysian way” is to get around a table and discuss issues together, rather than in the open and publicly. Mahathir often boasts that Malaysian workers never take to the streets to demonstrate, unlike those in South Korea and Western countries for example.
In the foreign affairs department, the “Malaysian way”, sometimes likened to the “Asian way”, is the overriding philosophy behind Mahathir’s strong views on the way ASEAN should work embodied in the principle of “non-interference” – that member countries should not publicly criticize policy of other ASEAN countries openly, but instead discuss problems at an appropriate level in private.
The “Malaysian way” can be seen as having it’s origins in Confucian philosophy which sees political power as being centralized within an intellectual elite of “learned scholars”. Policy is discussed within this elite, and then distributed to the masses when all has been agreed. This assumes that the masses have little education and are the best led by this group.
Malaysiakini refuses to play “The Malaysian way”. It promotes open discussion on issues that the government would prefer to be discussed only among the elite. It promotes a political consciousness, which is foreign to many Malaysians who have been happy to leave decisions to the government while their standard of living spiraled up-wards.
References:
- Mostly from news and articles from the websites such as Malaysiakini.com, UMNO, CPJ and other sources
“The pen is mightier than the sword, but the Internet rules”.
This slogan written in a drinking mugs and distributed as souvenir to the guests when Malaysiakini.com celebrated its first anniversary in 2000.
The Internet rules? At least it does in Malaysia.
(In what context was Malaysiakini born?)
In Malaysia, the mainstream media rarely publish articles critical of the powers that be. That leaves Malaysia’s best-known web newspaper, Malaysiakini.com, as the country’s only credible independent voice. Malaysiakini had broken “the government’s monopoly on the truth”. Just over a year since it began operations in November 1999, the site claims 250,000 readers a day.
Malaysiakini was formed by journalists who had worked in the mainstream media, who were getting a bit fed up with the level of censorship in the mainstream media. Steven Gan, one of the founders, felt there was a need to get into an alternative medium to break self-censorship, to get across to Malaysians ... that information is not getting through.
(A proof of diminishing control of information)
There are a few reasons why the Internet was the best way for alternative media. The first reason is because there are quite a lot of people going into the Internet. It is a new medium and it is not being censored. Other reasons are they don't need to raise that much money; they don't have to worry about distribution--it is there already. They also don't have to get a publication license, which is required of all print and broadcast media in Malaysia.
“With an Internet site you don't have to worry about getting a publication license, you don't need to worry about getting an annual permit, to renew it ..,” said Gan in an interview.
In short words, Malaysiakini is a proof of diminishing state control of information and the media. The ruling party in Malaysia (UMNO), and its allies, might owned or controlled most of the mainstream newspapers and broadcast stations in the country. Malaysian Government might have a very strict licensing that makes it virtually impossible for critical newspapers to emerge. There is very little room for editors in print and broadcast media to go beyond, in terms of criticizing the governing political parties in Malaysia. But, Malaysiakini had effectively sidestepped the tough regulations by publishing solely on the Internet.
(The factors behind its success)
Malaysiakini help to improve the media situation in Malaysia. That online newspaper is putting pressures on the mainstream media by reporting things that are not being reported by mainstream media. People are able to see that there is other news that is not being reported in the mainstream media.
For example, the chief justice had gone on holiday with a corporate lawyer who had appeared in his court. That was clearly a case of judicial misconduct, but that was not appeared in headlines of the mainstream media. Only Malaysiakini had published that controversial holiday.
There were photos on the Internet of the chief justice and the lawyer together in New Zealand. Malaysiakini also published evidences, which included ticket stubs showing that they actually took the same plane all the way to and from New Zealand with their families.
Malaysiakini attracts public attention because it gives people “the other side of stories”. It gives them “out there news”. It gives information that they couldn’t find it in mainstream media.
There are other factors behind its success. The most important thing is Malaysiakini breaks “government’s monopoly of the truth”. Malaysiakini becomes one of the country’s only sources of independent news.
International Press Institute (IPI) gave Media Pioneer Award to Malaysiakini because “the online organization works against a backdrop of harsh government restriction on independent and pro-opposition print media”.
IPI Media Pioneer Award was established to honor “individual or organizations who have fought against great odds to ensure free and more independent media in their country”.
(What could make it fail in the future?)
Despite the site’s popularity, however, Malaysiakini financial fortunes faltered. In order to survive, it began charging a subscription fee to access a portion of its content in February 2002. Annual subscription fees range from $36 to $79.
Malaysiakini now averages about 15.000 readers per day, said Charmaine Ong, business development manager, a sharp drop from the 250.000 readers the site formerly attracted. The fail in its readership is partly attributed to the more stable political climate.
The mainstream newspapers took a hit in terms of their circulation and readership during and after the trial of Anwar Ibrahim because of the public’s hunger for more balanced and independent news coverage. Alternative news providers flourished and mainstream newspapers began to see a decline.
Since then, the political atmosphere in Malaysia has quieted down and this climate of relative calm has helped mainstream newspapers regain readers. Mainstream newspapers are also now more aware of the need and reader’s demand for more independent and balanced coverage.
(Malaysiakini, power and public sphere)
While Malaysiakini says they are fighting for the “free press” in Malaysia, to the Malaysian elite the press is not for the open discussion of issues, but for relaying and publicizing policies already agreed. In other words, to the Malaysian ruling government, Malaysiakini is not the Messiah of the Press – he’s just a very naughty boy!
In Malaysia, every segment of the community, including media, has to operate within an understanding of what is best described as the “Malaysian way”. As defined by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad on many occasions, the “Malaysian way” is to get around a table and discuss issues together, rather than in the open and publicly. Mahathir often boasts that Malaysian workers never take to the streets to demonstrate, unlike those in South Korea and Western countries for example.
In the foreign affairs department, the “Malaysian way”, sometimes likened to the “Asian way”, is the overriding philosophy behind Mahathir’s strong views on the way ASEAN should work embodied in the principle of “non-interference” – that member countries should not publicly criticize policy of other ASEAN countries openly, but instead discuss problems at an appropriate level in private.
The “Malaysian way” can be seen as having it’s origins in Confucian philosophy which sees political power as being centralized within an intellectual elite of “learned scholars”. Policy is discussed within this elite, and then distributed to the masses when all has been agreed. This assumes that the masses have little education and are the best led by this group.
Malaysiakini refuses to play “The Malaysian way”. It promotes open discussion on issues that the government would prefer to be discussed only among the elite. It promotes a political consciousness, which is foreign to many Malaysians who have been happy to leave decisions to the government while their standard of living spiraled up-wards.
References:
- Mostly from news and articles from the websites such as Malaysiakini.com, UMNO, CPJ and other sources
THE IMPACT OF THE INTERNET ON JOURNALISM
By Akhmad Kusaeni
Technology plays important role in changing the way journalists do their job and the way people receive their news. However, the interplay between journalism and technology has never been more dramatic than the emergence of the Internet as a widespread medium of communication in the 1990s (Elliot King, 2004).
How the Internet is changing journalism? What are the impacts of the Internet on the way journalists do their jobs?
Cyber Journalists are working around the clock. People access the Internet at all hours of the day. That’s why journalists at the Detik.com (http://www.detik.com) are working within 24 hours/day and 7 days/a week. Detik.com is the real first media online in Indonesia. It is the most popular and the most credible news portal in Indonesia.
Detik.com is not serving print editions, but is being designed for Internet users. Detik is an Indonesian word for “second” and provides continuously updated news, hopefully in every second. Detik.com’s characteristics of services are short and updated news and giving priority to speed and accuracy.
“News stories are updated all the time. When important stories occur, at the same time they also appear in the web. There is an editorial policy that reporters should report breaking news as fast as possible. Sometimes we publish stories as it happens,” said Budiono Darsono, Detik.com Editor in Chief.[1]
The Internet also changes journalism in the way it presents information. George Frajkor, retired journalism professor of Carleton University, Ottawa, said that on the web, it’s the first time a journalist has a choice: “How do I best present this item?”. Is it best presented visually? Is it best presented through sound? Or is it best presented through text? Or is it best presented as a mixture?.[2]
Instead of having to choose between text, audio or video to get their news, now people can get it all in one place. Take a look http://www.cnn.com. On this site, people could read about the assassination of Hamas leader Sheik Ahmed Yassin. People can watch video clips on how the Israeli helicopters fired missiles at Yassin’s car as he left a mosque near his house at dawn on Monday (March 21, 2004). People also might listen to CNNRADIO for the latest update.
Another thing the Internet does – better than any other medium – is provides depth. The Jakarta Post Daily (http://www.jakartapost.com), for example, provides links to wide range of useful websites from media organizations, government institutions, and foreign embassies in Jakarta to business organizations. This links give people easy access to a variety of news stories from various news sites.
If the Internet had changed the way journalists do their job, then what are the impacts of the Internet on the way people receive their news?
The Internet give people much more control over the news they receive.
Bali bombing case on October 12, 2003 is a good example on how online journalism places far more power in the hand of the user. If people missed the news surrounding the Bali bombing case, they can always catch up by checking out various online news archives. The Bali bombing case was actually happened on October 12, 2003, but several years later, Suara Pembaruan Daily (http://www.suarapembaruan.com), Kompas Daily (http://www.kompas.com), and Detik.com (http://www.detik.com) all still have their archives on the tragedy. Archives become easily accessible.
The Internet allows people to actively participate in the news and do things online. Detik.com (http://www.detik.com) provide its readers with SMS polling online and comments facility to every news and stories appear in the web. People can buy something, from movie ticket to used car, from e-commerce facility at Detik.com. This news portal also provides chatting facility to their users.
In conclusion, I quote part of John Pavlik’s article on “The Future of Online Journalism”.[3]
“Since networked new media can be interactive, on demand, customizable; since it can incorporate new combination of text, images, moving images, and sound; since it can build new communities based on shared interests and concerns; and since it has the almost unlimited space to offer level of reportorial depth, texture, and context that are impossible in any other medium, new media can transform journalism”
Online journalism also has social and political impact. Take a look of the role of Malaysiakini.com (http://www.malaysiakini.com) in democratizing Malaysia. In Malaysia, the mainstream media rarely publish articles critical of the powers that be. That leaves Malaysia’s best-known web newspaper, Malaysiakini.com, as the country’s only credible independent voice. Malaysiakini had broken “the government’s monopoly on the truth”. Just over a year since it began operations in November 1999, the site claims 250,000 readers a day.
Malaysiakini was formed by journalists who had worked in the mainstream media, who were getting a bit fed up with the level of censorship in the mainstream media. Steven Gan, one of the founders, felt there was a need to get into an alternative medium to break self-censorship, to get across to Malaysians ... that information is not getting through.
Malaysiakini help to improve the media situation and press freedom in Malaysia. That online newspaper is putting pressures on the mainstream media by reporting things that are not being reported by mainstream media. People are able to see that there is other news that is not being reported in the mainstream media.
References:
Budiono Darsono, email interview with author on March 22, 2004.
Elliot King, lectures and discussion on Online Journalism Course, Ateneo de Manila University, Phillipines, 2004.
George Frajkor, How the Internet is Changing Journalism: News Production,
John Pavlik, The Future of Online Journalism, Columbia Journalism Review, July/ August 1997.
http://www.detik.com
http://www.cnn.com
http://www.jakartapost.com
http://www.kompas.com
http://www.malaysiakini.com
[1] Email interview with Budiono Darsono on March 22, 2004.
[2] George Frajkor, How the Internet is Canging Journalism: News Production,
[3] John Pavlik, The Future of Online Journalism, Columbia Journalism Review, July/August 1997.
Technology plays important role in changing the way journalists do their job and the way people receive their news. However, the interplay between journalism and technology has never been more dramatic than the emergence of the Internet as a widespread medium of communication in the 1990s (Elliot King, 2004).
How the Internet is changing journalism? What are the impacts of the Internet on the way journalists do their jobs?
Cyber Journalists are working around the clock. People access the Internet at all hours of the day. That’s why journalists at the Detik.com (http://www.detik.com) are working within 24 hours/day and 7 days/a week. Detik.com is the real first media online in Indonesia. It is the most popular and the most credible news portal in Indonesia.
Detik.com is not serving print editions, but is being designed for Internet users. Detik is an Indonesian word for “second” and provides continuously updated news, hopefully in every second. Detik.com’s characteristics of services are short and updated news and giving priority to speed and accuracy.
“News stories are updated all the time. When important stories occur, at the same time they also appear in the web. There is an editorial policy that reporters should report breaking news as fast as possible. Sometimes we publish stories as it happens,” said Budiono Darsono, Detik.com Editor in Chief.[1]
The Internet also changes journalism in the way it presents information. George Frajkor, retired journalism professor of Carleton University, Ottawa, said that on the web, it’s the first time a journalist has a choice: “How do I best present this item?”. Is it best presented visually? Is it best presented through sound? Or is it best presented through text? Or is it best presented as a mixture?.[2]
Instead of having to choose between text, audio or video to get their news, now people can get it all in one place. Take a look http://www.cnn.com. On this site, people could read about the assassination of Hamas leader Sheik Ahmed Yassin. People can watch video clips on how the Israeli helicopters fired missiles at Yassin’s car as he left a mosque near his house at dawn on Monday (March 21, 2004). People also might listen to CNNRADIO for the latest update.
Another thing the Internet does – better than any other medium – is provides depth. The Jakarta Post Daily (http://www.jakartapost.com), for example, provides links to wide range of useful websites from media organizations, government institutions, and foreign embassies in Jakarta to business organizations. This links give people easy access to a variety of news stories from various news sites.
If the Internet had changed the way journalists do their job, then what are the impacts of the Internet on the way people receive their news?
The Internet give people much more control over the news they receive.
Bali bombing case on October 12, 2003 is a good example on how online journalism places far more power in the hand of the user. If people missed the news surrounding the Bali bombing case, they can always catch up by checking out various online news archives. The Bali bombing case was actually happened on October 12, 2003, but several years later, Suara Pembaruan Daily (http://www.suarapembaruan.com), Kompas Daily (http://www.kompas.com), and Detik.com (http://www.detik.com) all still have their archives on the tragedy. Archives become easily accessible.
The Internet allows people to actively participate in the news and do things online. Detik.com (http://www.detik.com) provide its readers with SMS polling online and comments facility to every news and stories appear in the web. People can buy something, from movie ticket to used car, from e-commerce facility at Detik.com. This news portal also provides chatting facility to their users.
In conclusion, I quote part of John Pavlik’s article on “The Future of Online Journalism”.[3]
“Since networked new media can be interactive, on demand, customizable; since it can incorporate new combination of text, images, moving images, and sound; since it can build new communities based on shared interests and concerns; and since it has the almost unlimited space to offer level of reportorial depth, texture, and context that are impossible in any other medium, new media can transform journalism”
Online journalism also has social and political impact. Take a look of the role of Malaysiakini.com (http://www.malaysiakini.com) in democratizing Malaysia. In Malaysia, the mainstream media rarely publish articles critical of the powers that be. That leaves Malaysia’s best-known web newspaper, Malaysiakini.com, as the country’s only credible independent voice. Malaysiakini had broken “the government’s monopoly on the truth”. Just over a year since it began operations in November 1999, the site claims 250,000 readers a day.
Malaysiakini was formed by journalists who had worked in the mainstream media, who were getting a bit fed up with the level of censorship in the mainstream media. Steven Gan, one of the founders, felt there was a need to get into an alternative medium to break self-censorship, to get across to Malaysians ... that information is not getting through.
Malaysiakini help to improve the media situation and press freedom in Malaysia. That online newspaper is putting pressures on the mainstream media by reporting things that are not being reported by mainstream media. People are able to see that there is other news that is not being reported in the mainstream media.
References:
Budiono Darsono, email interview with author on March 22, 2004.
Elliot King, lectures and discussion on Online Journalism Course, Ateneo de Manila University, Phillipines, 2004.
George Frajkor, How the Internet is Changing Journalism: News Production,
John Pavlik, The Future of Online Journalism, Columbia Journalism Review, July/ August 1997.
http://www.detik.com
http://www.cnn.com
http://www.jakartapost.com
http://www.kompas.com
http://www.malaysiakini.com
[1] Email interview with Budiono Darsono on March 22, 2004.
[2] George Frajkor, How the Internet is Canging Journalism: News Production,
[3] John Pavlik, The Future of Online Journalism, Columbia Journalism Review, July/August 1997.
PUBLIC JOURNALISM
By Akhmad Kusaeni
I believe public journalism can be a key to assure the survival of the media in the future.
Why? Because I believe what Jan Schaffer said when he created Pew Center for Civic Journalism around 11 years ago. He said, “When the media does its job differently, citizen do their jobs differently”.
Yes, when you seed innovation in newsrooms, you get new ideas.
There was concerned that media were out of touch with their readers and viewers. Media tend to report stories based on elite –the rich and powerful—perspective.
In political coverage, for instance, media had turned election campaigns into what Sheila S Coronel calls as “cockfight, horserace, and boxing match”. Media coverage of elections, in the Philippines, Indonesia and elsewhere, has been criticized for its superficiality. Media focus on personalities rather than issues and platforms. Thus, stories of conflict, competition, and controversy dominate.
We, journalists, were doing a great job of covering the election campaign –what the candidates spin doctors, PR people and campaign strategists do. But a lousy job of covering the elections: what the voters do.
Robert Entman in “The Dilemma of Journalism: Democracy Without Citizen”, wrote that elite make most of the national news. The newsmakers who set the agenda are the one who control policy outcomes in Washington: top officials in the White House and executive branch agencies, member of Congress, think-tank experts, former government officials and elder statesmen still involved in politics. They have a stake in what is reported. News reports can advance or undermine the policy proposals they wanted enacted or privileges they want maintained. The information they provided is tainted.
To become informed and hold government accountable, the general publics need to obtain news that conveys facts and outcomes, not cosmetic images and empty promises. The news media should serve as watchdog and offer voice to the forgotten.
That’s why people need another kind of journalism, which is different with this conventional day-to-day journalism. People need public journalism that put citizen perspective into the angle of the news and stories.
Public journalists, as Jan Schaffer always says, try to ensure that all the people affected by the issue –all the stakeholders—have a voice in the story, not just the proponents of the most extreme viewpoints who send us their press releases (and sometimes envelopes full of money, vouchers or gift certificates).
We have to go back to basic. Bill Kovach says the first loyalty of journalism is to citizen, not to the elite, the rich and powerful. We should not be an agent of power or the megaphone or the mouthpiece of elite. We should give voice to people who need voice…people who are powerless.
Only with public journalism that ideal can be achieved. And only with public journalism the media could survive from decreasing its readerships and credibility.
PERAN PERS DALAM MEMPERCEPAT PEMBANGUNAN
Oleh Akhmad Kusaeni
Ada hal yang tidak berubah meskipun Lebak kini sudah mencapai usia 175 tahun, yakni pembangunan daerah yang lamban bahkan macet di sejumlah kawasan.Simaklah cerita berikut ini.
Menurut sahibul hikayat, Max Havelaar termasuk pejabat Hindia Belanda yang rajin berkunjung ke pedalaman. Jika berkunjung ke desa-desa, Asisten Residen Lebak itu menggunakan kereta yang ditarik oleh dua ekor kuda. Melewati jalan tanah yang becek dan berkelok-kelok, kereta kuda yang ditumpangi Havelaar sering kejeblos ke dalam kubangan lumpur. Ini mengakibatkan perjalanan sang Asisten Residen terganggu beberapa hari untuk menunggu jalan kering atau kereta ditarik dari kubangan lumpur. Peristiwa itu terjadi sekitar 130 tahun lalu.
Beberapa waktu lalu, sebagai wartawan saya pernah mengunjungi desa Jayasari, sebuah desa tertinggal di Lebak, yang jaraknya hanya beberapa puluh kilometer dari Rangkasbitung, ibukota kabupaten. Saya memang tidak menggunakan andong seperti Havelaar, waktu itu saya naik mobil. Tapi suasana yang saya lihat dan alami tidak ada bedanya dengan 130 tahun lalu.
Saya masih melihat jalan tanah becek yang sama dan mobil saya kejeblos di kubangan lumpur yang sama. Untuk sampai ke kantor kepala desa, saya harus punya nyali yang kuat, karena satu-satunya jalan menuju ke sana adalah dengan meniti jembatan bambu yang menggantung di atas air sungai Ciujung yang tengah meluap. Saya beristigfar. Ya Allah, ternyata Lebak tidak banyak berubah semenjak zaman Max Havelaar 130 tahun yang lalu.
Jangankan di pedesaan dan pedalaman, di kota Rangkasbitung sendiri sedikit sekali yang berubah dalam kurun waktu 39 tahun terakhir atau sepanjang usia saya sekarang ini. Awal tahun 1970-an, saya duduk di bangku SD Muara Ciujung XII di Jl. Sunan Giri. Meskipun sedang belajar, jika terdengar suara helicopter, kami segera berlarian meninggalkan kelas menuju alun-alun kota Rangkasbitung. Sebagian besar tak bersepatu, kami lari secepatnya untuk melihat siapa gerangan pejabat yang datang dengan helicopter tersebut. Di pinggir lapangan, kami --anak-anak-- melambai-lambaikan tangan kepada gubernur, menteri atau siapa saja yang turun. Kami cukup senang jika pejabat itu balik melambaikan tangan.
Saat saya dewasa, pada musim kampanye Pemilu tahun 1997, saya ikut dengan seorang pejabat naik helicopter ke Lebak. Saya turun di alun-alun yang sama dan saya menyaksikan suasana yang sama dengan masa-masa seperempat abad lalu. Saya masih melihat ada anak-anak yang tanpa sepatu berlarian menuju alun-alun dan melambai-lambaikan tangan kepada kami yang turun dari helicopter.
Artinya, Lebak tidak banyak berubah. Ada sih perubahan, namun tidak signifikan. Pembangunan yang lamban dan bahkan macet di sejumlah kawasan inilah yang menjadi tantangan bagi siapapun yang terlibat di Lebak, termasuk kalangan pers. Pers harus mampu berperan untuk mempercepat pembangunan di Lebak, apalagi di zaman otonomi daerah sekarang ini.
Tapi bagaimana caranya?
Development Journalism
Menurut saya, pers harus melakukan apa yang disebut jurnalisme pembangunan (development journalism). Pers harus berfungsi mendorong gerak pembangunan di Lebak. Pers, dalam hal ini koran, majalah, tabloid, radio, dan televisi yang terbit dan beredar di Lebak, harus mengangkat isu-isu yang terkait dengan pembangunan dan segala permasalahannya dalam laporan, ulasan dan pemberitaannya.
Pers harus memberitakan proyek-proyek pembangunan jalan, jembatan, insfratruktur, nasib petani, buruh, kesehatan masyarakat, kondisi lingkungan di pedalaman dan pedesaan. Dalam konsep jurnalisme yang umumnya berlaku di negara-negara berkembang ini, maka pers juga harus berfungsi mengkritisi “musuh-musuh pembangunan”, seperti kolusi, korupsi, dan nepotisme serta penyimpangan dan penyelewengan lainnya.
Yang terpenting lagi pers harus bisa memberikan harapan kepada masyarakat akan masa depannya. Dengan menumbuhkan masa depan yang penuh dengan harapan, ia dapat menumbuhkan partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembangunan. Menurut Fred S Siebert dalam buku Communication in Modern Society, tujuan umum dari media massa adalah membuat rakyat di seluruh dunia bisa memperoleh informasi yang memungkinkan mereka memiliki sebuah masyarakat yang damai dan produktif, dan juga yang memberikan mereka kepuasan pribadi dan merasa terhibur.
Fungsi hiburan itu memiliki preseden historis dalam jurnalistik di Barat. Para penyair di abad 16 yang membawa berita dari satu istana ke istana lain, disukai bukan saja karena berita yang dibawa oleh mereka, tetapi juga karena kepandaian mereka menyanyi, menari dan memainkan kecapi. Oleh karena itu, media massa perlu memainkan berbagai aspek yang bersifat menghibur berupa cerita-cerita yang menarik (human interest), anekdot-anekdot yang lucu, kisah-kisah menarik (features), teka-teki silang dan cerita-cerita komik.
Singkat kata, sebagaimana dikemukakan ahli komunikasi Fraser Bond, pers dalam segala bentuknya harus sanggup memberikan bantuan istimewa kepada khalayak untuk lebih menyempurnakan hidupnya, untuk merasa lebih aman, lebih kaya, lebih sehat, lebih suka cita dan banyak lagi cara yang lebih menjanjikan kebaikan.
Pers, sebaliknya, jangan menjadi sumber keburukan seperti menyebarkan permusuhan, penghujatan, penghinaan, provokasi, adu domba, pornografi, sensasi dan pengumbaran selera rendah masyarakat.
Masih sangat kecil
Jika yang dimaksud dengan pers disini, ialah media cetak yang diterbitkan di Ibukota Jakarta atau Bandung, maka daya dorong dan daya pengaruhnya pada pembangunan di Lebak sungguh masih sangat kecil. Dan jika kita periksa wilayah peredarah suratkabar di Lebak, yang sebagian terbesar tersebar di kota Rangkasbitung dan sekitarnya, maka kita dapat melihat, bahwa kurang lebih 80 persen rakyat pedalaman kita tidak tersentuh oleh Kompas, Pelita, Poskota, Pikiran Rakyat atau Fajar Banten.
Padahal, jika kita sungguh-sungguh hendak memodernisasi masyarakat Lebak, maka rakyat 80 persen yang hidup di padesaan ini harus di bawa ke dalam arus kemajuan, ke dalam arus ilmu dan teknologi modern, ke dalam era informasi yang canggih sekarang ini. Mereka harus dilepaskan dari kungkungan sikap-sikap dan pikiran-pikiran yang sudah ketinggalan zaman. Mereka harus diangkat dari jerat dan perangkap ketertinggalan sedikitnya 50 sampai 130 tahun dari kemajuan-kemajuan ummat manusia lainnya yang hidup di daerah lain di Tanah Air.
Tugas maha berat ini tidak bisa dilakukan oleh pers yang diterbitkan di kota-kota besar, karena hanya amat sedikit rakyat padesaan Lebak yang membaca koran atau majalah-majalah yang diterbitkan di Jakarta atau Bandung itu.
Informasi mengenai teknik-teknik pertanian modern, pemeliharaan unggas dan ikan, tentang bibit unggul, teknik mengawetkan hasil-hasil perkebunan, dan sebagainya, jika ditujukan kepada para petani, hamper tidak ada mamfaatnya dimuat dalam suratkabar dan majalah yang diterbitkan di kota-kota besar. Karena yang sampai daerah pedalaman dan padesaan sangat kecil jumlahnya.
Oleh karena itu, Pemerintah Daerah Kabupaten Lebak atau siapapun yang terpanggil untuk memajukan daerah ini, perlu beramai-ramai mendirikan koran daerah dan terus memperluas jangkauan siaran radio daerah. Permasalahan daerah Lebak harus disuarakan dan diberitakan oleh koran yang terbit di Lebak, bukan oleh koran yang terbit di Jakarta atau Bandung. Sebab, Lebak adalah daerah kita dan kitalah yang paling tahu mengenai lingkungan tempat kita tinggal.
Pers daerah dan wartawan Lebaklah yang bisa mengumpulkan informasi yang tepat tentang rakyat padesaan dan pedalaman, kesukaran-kesukaran mereka, masalah-masalah mereka, keperluan-keperluan mereka, mimpi-mimpi mereka, frustasi-frustasi mereka, dan harapan-harapan mereka, dan melaporkannya dalam penerbitan-penerbitan yang terbit bukan hanya di kota-kota besar melainkan juga yang utama terbit di Lebak sendiri. Tujuannya ialah agar mereka yang mengambil keputusan tentang nasib rakyat pedalaman Lebak ini, baik di Tingkat II, Tingkat I dan Tingkat Pusat, sungguh-sungguh tahu apa yang hendak mereka lakukan bagi rakyat di daerah ini.
Apa yang diketahui pemimpin-pemimpin yang hidup di tengah kemewahan kota besar tentang rakyat pedalaman? Sedikit sekali. Mereka tidak tahu isi hati dan isi kepala rakyat Lebak yang sepanjang ratusan tahun menderita tidak ada habis-habisnya, seperti para penduduk desa Jayasari yang saya ceritakan di awal tulisan ini. Jangan-jangan, karena tidak pernah diberitakan di koran, tidak ada pemimpin daerah dan pusat yang tahu dan sadar bahwa sejak zaman Max Havelaar sekitar 130 tahun lalu sampai saat ini, Lebak tidak banyak berubah. ***
Ada hal yang tidak berubah meskipun Lebak kini sudah mencapai usia 175 tahun, yakni pembangunan daerah yang lamban bahkan macet di sejumlah kawasan.Simaklah cerita berikut ini.
Menurut sahibul hikayat, Max Havelaar termasuk pejabat Hindia Belanda yang rajin berkunjung ke pedalaman. Jika berkunjung ke desa-desa, Asisten Residen Lebak itu menggunakan kereta yang ditarik oleh dua ekor kuda. Melewati jalan tanah yang becek dan berkelok-kelok, kereta kuda yang ditumpangi Havelaar sering kejeblos ke dalam kubangan lumpur. Ini mengakibatkan perjalanan sang Asisten Residen terganggu beberapa hari untuk menunggu jalan kering atau kereta ditarik dari kubangan lumpur. Peristiwa itu terjadi sekitar 130 tahun lalu.
Beberapa waktu lalu, sebagai wartawan saya pernah mengunjungi desa Jayasari, sebuah desa tertinggal di Lebak, yang jaraknya hanya beberapa puluh kilometer dari Rangkasbitung, ibukota kabupaten. Saya memang tidak menggunakan andong seperti Havelaar, waktu itu saya naik mobil. Tapi suasana yang saya lihat dan alami tidak ada bedanya dengan 130 tahun lalu.
Saya masih melihat jalan tanah becek yang sama dan mobil saya kejeblos di kubangan lumpur yang sama. Untuk sampai ke kantor kepala desa, saya harus punya nyali yang kuat, karena satu-satunya jalan menuju ke sana adalah dengan meniti jembatan bambu yang menggantung di atas air sungai Ciujung yang tengah meluap. Saya beristigfar. Ya Allah, ternyata Lebak tidak banyak berubah semenjak zaman Max Havelaar 130 tahun yang lalu.
Jangankan di pedesaan dan pedalaman, di kota Rangkasbitung sendiri sedikit sekali yang berubah dalam kurun waktu 39 tahun terakhir atau sepanjang usia saya sekarang ini. Awal tahun 1970-an, saya duduk di bangku SD Muara Ciujung XII di Jl. Sunan Giri. Meskipun sedang belajar, jika terdengar suara helicopter, kami segera berlarian meninggalkan kelas menuju alun-alun kota Rangkasbitung. Sebagian besar tak bersepatu, kami lari secepatnya untuk melihat siapa gerangan pejabat yang datang dengan helicopter tersebut. Di pinggir lapangan, kami --anak-anak-- melambai-lambaikan tangan kepada gubernur, menteri atau siapa saja yang turun. Kami cukup senang jika pejabat itu balik melambaikan tangan.
Saat saya dewasa, pada musim kampanye Pemilu tahun 1997, saya ikut dengan seorang pejabat naik helicopter ke Lebak. Saya turun di alun-alun yang sama dan saya menyaksikan suasana yang sama dengan masa-masa seperempat abad lalu. Saya masih melihat ada anak-anak yang tanpa sepatu berlarian menuju alun-alun dan melambai-lambaikan tangan kepada kami yang turun dari helicopter.
Artinya, Lebak tidak banyak berubah. Ada sih perubahan, namun tidak signifikan. Pembangunan yang lamban dan bahkan macet di sejumlah kawasan inilah yang menjadi tantangan bagi siapapun yang terlibat di Lebak, termasuk kalangan pers. Pers harus mampu berperan untuk mempercepat pembangunan di Lebak, apalagi di zaman otonomi daerah sekarang ini.
Tapi bagaimana caranya?
Development Journalism
Menurut saya, pers harus melakukan apa yang disebut jurnalisme pembangunan (development journalism). Pers harus berfungsi mendorong gerak pembangunan di Lebak. Pers, dalam hal ini koran, majalah, tabloid, radio, dan televisi yang terbit dan beredar di Lebak, harus mengangkat isu-isu yang terkait dengan pembangunan dan segala permasalahannya dalam laporan, ulasan dan pemberitaannya.
Pers harus memberitakan proyek-proyek pembangunan jalan, jembatan, insfratruktur, nasib petani, buruh, kesehatan masyarakat, kondisi lingkungan di pedalaman dan pedesaan. Dalam konsep jurnalisme yang umumnya berlaku di negara-negara berkembang ini, maka pers juga harus berfungsi mengkritisi “musuh-musuh pembangunan”, seperti kolusi, korupsi, dan nepotisme serta penyimpangan dan penyelewengan lainnya.
Yang terpenting lagi pers harus bisa memberikan harapan kepada masyarakat akan masa depannya. Dengan menumbuhkan masa depan yang penuh dengan harapan, ia dapat menumbuhkan partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembangunan. Menurut Fred S Siebert dalam buku Communication in Modern Society, tujuan umum dari media massa adalah membuat rakyat di seluruh dunia bisa memperoleh informasi yang memungkinkan mereka memiliki sebuah masyarakat yang damai dan produktif, dan juga yang memberikan mereka kepuasan pribadi dan merasa terhibur.
Fungsi hiburan itu memiliki preseden historis dalam jurnalistik di Barat. Para penyair di abad 16 yang membawa berita dari satu istana ke istana lain, disukai bukan saja karena berita yang dibawa oleh mereka, tetapi juga karena kepandaian mereka menyanyi, menari dan memainkan kecapi. Oleh karena itu, media massa perlu memainkan berbagai aspek yang bersifat menghibur berupa cerita-cerita yang menarik (human interest), anekdot-anekdot yang lucu, kisah-kisah menarik (features), teka-teki silang dan cerita-cerita komik.
Singkat kata, sebagaimana dikemukakan ahli komunikasi Fraser Bond, pers dalam segala bentuknya harus sanggup memberikan bantuan istimewa kepada khalayak untuk lebih menyempurnakan hidupnya, untuk merasa lebih aman, lebih kaya, lebih sehat, lebih suka cita dan banyak lagi cara yang lebih menjanjikan kebaikan.
Pers, sebaliknya, jangan menjadi sumber keburukan seperti menyebarkan permusuhan, penghujatan, penghinaan, provokasi, adu domba, pornografi, sensasi dan pengumbaran selera rendah masyarakat.
Masih sangat kecil
Jika yang dimaksud dengan pers disini, ialah media cetak yang diterbitkan di Ibukota Jakarta atau Bandung, maka daya dorong dan daya pengaruhnya pada pembangunan di Lebak sungguh masih sangat kecil. Dan jika kita periksa wilayah peredarah suratkabar di Lebak, yang sebagian terbesar tersebar di kota Rangkasbitung dan sekitarnya, maka kita dapat melihat, bahwa kurang lebih 80 persen rakyat pedalaman kita tidak tersentuh oleh Kompas, Pelita, Poskota, Pikiran Rakyat atau Fajar Banten.
Padahal, jika kita sungguh-sungguh hendak memodernisasi masyarakat Lebak, maka rakyat 80 persen yang hidup di padesaan ini harus di bawa ke dalam arus kemajuan, ke dalam arus ilmu dan teknologi modern, ke dalam era informasi yang canggih sekarang ini. Mereka harus dilepaskan dari kungkungan sikap-sikap dan pikiran-pikiran yang sudah ketinggalan zaman. Mereka harus diangkat dari jerat dan perangkap ketertinggalan sedikitnya 50 sampai 130 tahun dari kemajuan-kemajuan ummat manusia lainnya yang hidup di daerah lain di Tanah Air.
Tugas maha berat ini tidak bisa dilakukan oleh pers yang diterbitkan di kota-kota besar, karena hanya amat sedikit rakyat padesaan Lebak yang membaca koran atau majalah-majalah yang diterbitkan di Jakarta atau Bandung itu.
Informasi mengenai teknik-teknik pertanian modern, pemeliharaan unggas dan ikan, tentang bibit unggul, teknik mengawetkan hasil-hasil perkebunan, dan sebagainya, jika ditujukan kepada para petani, hamper tidak ada mamfaatnya dimuat dalam suratkabar dan majalah yang diterbitkan di kota-kota besar. Karena yang sampai daerah pedalaman dan padesaan sangat kecil jumlahnya.
Oleh karena itu, Pemerintah Daerah Kabupaten Lebak atau siapapun yang terpanggil untuk memajukan daerah ini, perlu beramai-ramai mendirikan koran daerah dan terus memperluas jangkauan siaran radio daerah. Permasalahan daerah Lebak harus disuarakan dan diberitakan oleh koran yang terbit di Lebak, bukan oleh koran yang terbit di Jakarta atau Bandung. Sebab, Lebak adalah daerah kita dan kitalah yang paling tahu mengenai lingkungan tempat kita tinggal.
Pers daerah dan wartawan Lebaklah yang bisa mengumpulkan informasi yang tepat tentang rakyat padesaan dan pedalaman, kesukaran-kesukaran mereka, masalah-masalah mereka, keperluan-keperluan mereka, mimpi-mimpi mereka, frustasi-frustasi mereka, dan harapan-harapan mereka, dan melaporkannya dalam penerbitan-penerbitan yang terbit bukan hanya di kota-kota besar melainkan juga yang utama terbit di Lebak sendiri. Tujuannya ialah agar mereka yang mengambil keputusan tentang nasib rakyat pedalaman Lebak ini, baik di Tingkat II, Tingkat I dan Tingkat Pusat, sungguh-sungguh tahu apa yang hendak mereka lakukan bagi rakyat di daerah ini.
Apa yang diketahui pemimpin-pemimpin yang hidup di tengah kemewahan kota besar tentang rakyat pedalaman? Sedikit sekali. Mereka tidak tahu isi hati dan isi kepala rakyat Lebak yang sepanjang ratusan tahun menderita tidak ada habis-habisnya, seperti para penduduk desa Jayasari yang saya ceritakan di awal tulisan ini. Jangan-jangan, karena tidak pernah diberitakan di koran, tidak ada pemimpin daerah dan pusat yang tahu dan sadar bahwa sejak zaman Max Havelaar sekitar 130 tahun lalu sampai saat ini, Lebak tidak banyak berubah. ***
PERAMPOK DERMAWAN
Oleh Akhmad Kusaeni
Kisah ini tentang seorang ayah dengan empat anak lelakinya. Yang sulung bernama Dadi, anak kedua Bambang, anak ketiga Tanto dan si bungsu Imam Gunawan. Sang ayah sendiri yang sudah menduda bernama Toton Sumardi Sastraowardoyo yang dikenal sebagai banker yang kaya raya.
Saat keempat bersaudara itu masih di bangku kuliah, si ayah memanggil mereka secara bersama-sama pada suatu petang.
“Anak-anakku, kini saatnya kalian memilih karier masing-masing. Mau aja apakah kalian ?” Tanya si ayah setelah menyeruput secangkir kopi hitam pekat.
Dadi, si sulung menjawab:
“ayah.alu mau jadi seorang lawyer”
“Bagus,” si ayah mengangguk-angguk,”jadilah kamu seorang pengacara yang hebat.”
Bambang, anak kedua, menjawab:
“Aku ingin jadi dokter,”
“Jadilah dokter.Akus ama sekali tak keberatan,”
Tanto,anak, ketiga menjawab:
“Ayah,aku ingin jadi pedagang sekaligus banker seperti anda. Dengan begitu saya bisa mendapat uang banyak dalam waktu singkat.”
“Saya akam membantumu menjadi apa yang kamu cita-citakan.”
Imam,sibungsu, setelah terdiam sekian lama, akhirnya menjawab juga:
“Ayah, aku ingin menjadi seorang perampok,”
Semua yang mendengar terkejut bukan kepalang. Sama sekali tak menyangka si bungsu bercita-cita jadi maling. Si ayah sampat terloncat dari tempat duduknya saking tidak percaya dengan apa yang baru saja ddidengarnya. Ketiga saudaranya mengumpat si bungsu sebagai anak nakal, adik bandel, bangsat, bajingan dan calon penjahat di masa depat. Meskipun dicaci dan dimaki, si bungsu tetap teguh dengan cita-citanya. Bukankah setiap anak punya hak untuk menentukan masa depannya sendiri? Bukankah setiap orang bisa memilih apa yang dia mau: dokter, lawyer, banker, maling?
“Aku sudah bertekad menjadi rampok , ayah. Jika ayah takmengizinkkan, aku akan kabur dari rumah ini!”
Si ayah yang marah kemudian mengusir si bungsu setelah puas mencaci dan mengutuknya. Ini betul-betul sebuah drama dalam keluarga banker yang kaya raya itu. Dan malam itu si bungsu Imam mengepak pakaian sekedarnya dalam sebuah tas punggung dan menemui Bi Entin, pembantu tertua dirumah mewah itu. Bi Entin tidak tahu apa yang telah terjadi pada keluarga tuannya., mengira Imam akan pergi berlibur ke puncak atau menemui oom atau tantenya di Bali.
“Bi, aku tak mau mengganggu ayah dan aku dalam kesulitan: bisakah saya pinjam tabunganmu satu juta rupiah dan saya akan menggantinya minggu depan?”
Oleh karena Bi Entin baru saja mengirimkan uangnnya ke kampung halaman di Banten, pembantu yang sudah bekerja di rumah keluarga banker itu sejak keempat bersaudara itu masih bayi, hanya mampu meminjamkan dua ratus ribu rupiah saja.
“Terima kasih,” ujar Imam seraya pergi dari rumah tanpa maksud untuk kembali.”Utang adalah utang. Suatu ketika aku harus membayarnya,” gumamnya dalam hati.
***
Dan 25 tahun pun berlalu. Dua puluh lima tahun adalah jangka waktu yang lama dan tak pernah ada kabar berita mengenai si bungsu yang dikutuk ayah dan kakak-kakaknya itu. Si ayah kini sudah lebih 70 tahun, sudah pension, sakit-sakitan, dan jatuh miskin karena kehilangan harta bendanya akibat kerugian dalam spekulasi bursa saham dan valuta asing.
Toton Sumardi Sastraowardojo yang dulu tinggal di rumah mewah di kawasan elit Pondok Indah, punya sejumlah vila di puncak dan tanah perkebunan di berbagai daerah, punya deposito di sejumlah bank, batangan emas dan permata, dinyatakan pailit dan dililit utang. Asset keluarga Toton yang nilainya miliaran rupiah itu disita ……………………………..Rp250.000 per bulan di Kampung Bali, kawasan yang padat dan rawan kejahatan di Tanah Abang, Jakarta Pusat. Sungguh kasihan. Toton Sumardi Sastowardojo adalah mantan bankir yang malang.
Anak-anaknya pun tidak jauh berbeda nasibnya dengan sang ayah. Dadi, si pengacara, hanya mengurus lima kasus selama 25 tahun. Itupun semuanya kalah di pengadilan atau dalam putusan kasasi Mahkamah Agung. Meskipun pihaknya berada pada pihak yang benar, namun pihak lawan lebih punya pengaruh karena pengacaranya kenal baik dengan presiden, menteri, pejabat, anggota DPR dan atasan para hakim yang menangani perkara mereka, Dadi, yang tidak punya catatan bagus sepanjang seperempat abad kariernya sebagai lawyer, harus puas menjadi staf biasa di sebuah kantor pengacara dengan gaji Rp2 juta perbulan. Tentu saja penghasilah sebesar itu tidak cukup untuk membiayai kebutuhan sehari-hari isteri dan kelima orang anaknya.
Bambang yang menjadi dokter tidak lebih baik. Segera setelah Bambang punya izin praktek, dua atau tiga pasiennya mati. Bukan karena malpraktek tapi memang harus mati karena penyajitnya yang tidak bisa diobati lagi. Tapi apa kata dokter-dokter lain pesaingnya yang mengetahui ihwal kematian pasien itu ? Mereka mengatakan bahwa Bambang adalah seorang pembunuh, tidak tahu apapun mengenai obat-obatan dan seorang terkun alias dokter yang lebih banyak bertindak seperti dukun.
Isu yang tersebar dari mulut ke mulut itu membuat orang-orang takut membawa orang sakit berobat ke dolter Bambang. Tempat prakteknya menjadi sepi bak kuburan. Bagi seorang dokter, tak ada pasien yang datang berobat berarti tak ada uang pemasukan. Penghasilan dokter Bambang jadi terbatas hanya karena gajinya tiap bulan sebagai karyawan di sebuah rumah sakit dan bukannya keahliannya sebagai dokter.
Tanto, yang dulu bercita-cita jadi pedagang dan banker seperti ayahnya, tidak juga hidup lebih nyaman. Bahkan keadaannya lebih buruk lagi dari kedua kakaknya. Selama 25 tahun terakhir ini tak ada satu kesussesanpun dibuat Tanto selain menghabiskan modal, waktu dan kesehatannya. Tanto pernah membuka took yang menjual barang-barang mewah di sebuah mal dan menjadi rekanan di sebuah departemen. Tapi berbagai peristiwa seperti kebakaran, kerusuhan missal dan krisis ekonomi membuat usahanya jatuh bangun terus menerus, Pernah ketika sedang jaya-jayanya, tokonya diserbu penjarah yang memanfaatkan momentum massal. Semua barang mewah yang dijualnya,perhiasan emas berlian berkilo-kilo dan ratusan jam tangan Rolex, habis disikat para penjarah. Ketika beralih profesi menjadi rekanan di sebuah departemen, modal perusahaannya justeru habis untuk biaya perolehan tender proyek yang tidak selalu dimenangkannya. Jangan harap mendapat proyek tanpa KKN dan sogok sana-sogok sini. Gagal sebagai pedagang dan kontraktor, Tanto bekerja serabutan untuk menyambung hidup.
Ketiga bersaudara yang tidak begitu bagus peruntungannya itu kerap berkumpul di rumah kontrakan ayah mereka di akhir pekan. Kalau sudah bertemu begitu, mereka mau tak mau teringan akan si bungsu dan membicarakannya.
“Apa yang terjadi dengan si Imam?”
“Mungkin dia sekarang sedang menjalani hukuman di penjara.”
“Mungkin malah sudah mati”
“Tewas dibakar massa.”
“Masya Allah…”
Tak pernah berkirim surat sekalipun selama 25 tahun.”
“Dasar anak nakal!”
“Adik bandel!”
“Tak tahu diuntung!”
“Sudahlah, jangan berserapah.”
“Mari berdoa untuk dia.”
“Siapa tahu masih hidup.”
***
Dan di satu hari minggu yang cerah, seorang pembantu tergopoh-gopoh mengetuk pintu kamar kontrakan Toton Sumardi Sastrowardojo yang saat itu tengah berkumpul dengan ketiga anak lelakinya.
“Pak Toton, ada yang mencari bapak.”
“Siapa?”
“Nggak tahu, saya nggak berani Tanya namanya.Orangnya perlente,naik BMW.Apa bapak ounya teman pengusaha kaya atau pejabat tinggi?”Tanya si pembantu.
Aroma minyak wangi mahal yang semerbak. Meski sekarang bercambang dan berjanggut tipis,sosok tamu itu jelas sangat dikenal. Seketika mereka berseru setengah berteriak:
“Imam!”
Ya,itu memang Imam yang segera bersimpuh di kaki Toton.
“Ayah,25 tahun lalu, aku meninggalkan ayah dan kakak-kakak dalam keadaan miskin dan nelangsa. Kini aku kembali dalam keadaan kaya dan penuh kuasa. Maukah kau memaafkanku?”ujar Imam.
Aroma kemewahan segera menghipnotis Keluarga yang kurang beruntung itu. Seluruh keluarga denga seketika melihat kembalinya Imam sebagai cikal bakal kembali naiknya derajat kehidupan mereka. Dua puluh lima tahun kutukan dan sumpah serapah hapus dalam sekejap.
“Anakku!”seru sang ayah sambil menciumi si anak hilang,”Selamat datang!”
Dadi,Bambang dan Tanto pun memeluk dan ikut-ikutan menciumi si bungsu. Imam diperlakukan seolah-olah malaikat yang datang untuk menghapus penderitaan mereka dan menggantinya dengan kebahagiaan dan kemakmuran.
Setelah puas berpelukan dan berciuman, sang ayah dengan kebapakan berkata kepada Imam.
“Ceritakan pada kami,anakku,ceritakan bagaimana caranya kamu bisa mencapai derajat dan kekuasaan seperti sekarang ini.”
Imam bangkit dari duduknya, berjalan menuju pintu dan menguncinya, sebelum akhirnya dengan jujur menjawab pertanyaan sang ayah.
“Saya merampok,ayah.”
***
Lelaki tua itu tersentak.
“Jangan berfikir macam-macam wahai ayah dan saudara-saudaraku. Mereka mengatakan aku tidak melakukan sesuatu yang buruk. Saya kembali pulang kampong dengan penuh kehormatan dan uang melimpah. Saya kini sangat dihormati, saya dianggap contoh dari tokoh yang sukses dalam kehidupan modern,”tutur Imam.
Ia pun menceritakan perjalanan hidupnya 25 tahun terakhir ini.
“Ayah dan kakak tahu bahwa dengan uang dua ratus ribu perak dari Bi Entin saya meninggalkan rumah mewah kita. Ngomong-ngomong dimana sekarang Bi Entin?”
“Ia sudah sangat renta sekarang.Kalau tidak salah, sekarang ia diurus di sebuah panti jompo.”
“Malam ini juga saya harus memberikan setidaknya dua juta rupiah kepada pembantu yang baik itu sebagai bayaran atas utang dan bunganya.”
“Dan untukmu Dadi, saya akan berikan satu lilyar rupiah. Untuk Bambang dan Tanto, kalian akan mendapat jumlah yang sama. Sementara untuk ayah, saya telah membelikan rumah mewah di pinggir lau di Pantai Mutiara Ancol dimana kita akan tinggal bersama dan ayah akan menjadi raja.”
Semalam suntuk ayah dengan empat bersaudara itu saling tukar cerita.
“Saya ikut berlayar sebagai anak buah kapal ke Eropa dan terdampar di satu negara yang penuh uang tapi tidak ada moral. Sebelum saya membangun kerajaan bisnis saya sendiri, saya bekerja pada seorang tua kaya pemilik galangan kapal. Dalam enam bulan saya berhasil mencuri isterinya.”
”Astaga.”gumam si ayah.
“Karena melibatkan orang terkaya, upaya saya merebut isteri milyuner itu ramai diberitakan media massa. Wartawan menyebutnya sebagai drama cinta abad ini Setiap orang berpihak kepada saya. Wanita itu muda dan cantik, sedang suamiya tua dan sakit-sakitan, serta memperlakukan isterinya dengan buruk.”
“Koran dan majalah memajang gambar foto saya,wanita itu dan suaminya yan bunuh diri dengan menembak kepalanya sendiri. Saya bagaikan pahlawan yang menyelamatkan wanita itu dari tindakan brutal suaminya. Lalu saya pindah ke Amerika Serikat bersama wanita itu. Ia mendapatkan warisan miliaran dolar untuk saya. Saya tanamkan modal di bursa saham Wall Street. Saya kemudian menjadi warga negara Amerika.”
“Anak saya jadi warga negara Amerika? Tidak! Itu tidak mungkint erjadi.” Potong sang ayah.
“Tapi,ayah jangan kuatir. Amerika itu bisa mengakui dua kewarganegaraan. Saya masih bisa mengantongi kewarganegaraan Indonesia saya sambil mengetuk keuntungan sebagai warga negara Amerika.”
“Anak pintar,”komentar sang ayah.
“Hebat,”komentar para saudaranya.
“Anak pintar,”komentar sang ayah.
“Hebat,”komentar para saudaranya.
“Saya menanam modal di macam-macam bisnis di Wall Street. New York adalah kota yang jadi hamba uang dan siapa yang memilikinya. Saya banyak bermain golf dan mendatangi acara makan malam,sebagai alat yang efektif mencari teman dan koneksi. Sebagai investor, saya banyak didatangi para investor, Mereka menjelaskan hasil temuannya, dan saya membiayainya. Saya mencuri idenya dan menarik keuntungan darinya.”
“Ya Tuhan, bagaimana bisa begitu anakku?” taya sang ayah.
“Tidakkan ayah tahu bahwa orang yang membuat, yang menemukan sesuatu tidak selamanya bisa mendapat keuntungan dari hasil karyanya?Penulis diekploitasi oleh penerbit, actor oleh impresario dan investor oleh pemilik modal yang biasa disebut kapitalis. Saya adalah kapitalis dan orang membungkur kepada saya. Semua wanita memuja saya dan saya biarkan isteri saya meninggalkan saya karena jatuh cinta dengan pemuda miskin macam saya dulu.”
Uang bagaikan air membanjiri saya,jumlahnya miliaran, bahkan triliunan dolar. Saya banyak menerima penghargaan, penghormatan, gelar bangsawan dan professor honoris causa daris eluruh dunia, karena banyak lembaga-lembaga itu yang menjualnya dan saya membelinya. Pendeknya inilah saya,Imam,usia 46 tahun, dijuluki “banker kaya raya,” “pengusaha kakap” atau “konglomerat raksasa” Saya juga sering disebut sebagai “philanthropist” hanya karena saya memberi ribuan dolar untuk penduduk miskin danmembangun rumah sakit, sekolah dan apapun yang masyarakan inginkan dari saya..”
“Baiklah ayah, besok kita akan pindah ke rumah baru yang mewah. Ayah bisa tinggal di lantai dasar dan kakak-kakak bersama Keluarga tinggal di lantai atas. Setiap Keluarga akan mendapatkan deposito satu triliun rupiah di bank dan saya akan memulai pekerjaan besar saya di tanah air untuk berusaha menjadi wakil rakyat. Saya akan berjuan menjadi anggota DPR, karena saya harus membuat undang-undang yang menguntungkan orang macam saya, Ya ayah. I shall make the laws. (cerita pendek ini hasil adaptasi dari cerpen Spanyol berjudul “Modern Life” karya Eusobio Blasco (1844-1903) dan dipersembahkan sebagai bahan renungan para wakil rakyat.
Kisah ini tentang seorang ayah dengan empat anak lelakinya. Yang sulung bernama Dadi, anak kedua Bambang, anak ketiga Tanto dan si bungsu Imam Gunawan. Sang ayah sendiri yang sudah menduda bernama Toton Sumardi Sastraowardoyo yang dikenal sebagai banker yang kaya raya.
Saat keempat bersaudara itu masih di bangku kuliah, si ayah memanggil mereka secara bersama-sama pada suatu petang.
“Anak-anakku, kini saatnya kalian memilih karier masing-masing. Mau aja apakah kalian ?” Tanya si ayah setelah menyeruput secangkir kopi hitam pekat.
Dadi, si sulung menjawab:
“ayah.alu mau jadi seorang lawyer”
“Bagus,” si ayah mengangguk-angguk,”jadilah kamu seorang pengacara yang hebat.”
Bambang, anak kedua, menjawab:
“Aku ingin jadi dokter,”
“Jadilah dokter.Akus ama sekali tak keberatan,”
Tanto,anak, ketiga menjawab:
“Ayah,aku ingin jadi pedagang sekaligus banker seperti anda. Dengan begitu saya bisa mendapat uang banyak dalam waktu singkat.”
“Saya akam membantumu menjadi apa yang kamu cita-citakan.”
Imam,sibungsu, setelah terdiam sekian lama, akhirnya menjawab juga:
“Ayah, aku ingin menjadi seorang perampok,”
Semua yang mendengar terkejut bukan kepalang. Sama sekali tak menyangka si bungsu bercita-cita jadi maling. Si ayah sampat terloncat dari tempat duduknya saking tidak percaya dengan apa yang baru saja ddidengarnya. Ketiga saudaranya mengumpat si bungsu sebagai anak nakal, adik bandel, bangsat, bajingan dan calon penjahat di masa depat. Meskipun dicaci dan dimaki, si bungsu tetap teguh dengan cita-citanya. Bukankah setiap anak punya hak untuk menentukan masa depannya sendiri? Bukankah setiap orang bisa memilih apa yang dia mau: dokter, lawyer, banker, maling?
“Aku sudah bertekad menjadi rampok , ayah. Jika ayah takmengizinkkan, aku akan kabur dari rumah ini!”
Si ayah yang marah kemudian mengusir si bungsu setelah puas mencaci dan mengutuknya. Ini betul-betul sebuah drama dalam keluarga banker yang kaya raya itu. Dan malam itu si bungsu Imam mengepak pakaian sekedarnya dalam sebuah tas punggung dan menemui Bi Entin, pembantu tertua dirumah mewah itu. Bi Entin tidak tahu apa yang telah terjadi pada keluarga tuannya., mengira Imam akan pergi berlibur ke puncak atau menemui oom atau tantenya di Bali.
“Bi, aku tak mau mengganggu ayah dan aku dalam kesulitan: bisakah saya pinjam tabunganmu satu juta rupiah dan saya akan menggantinya minggu depan?”
Oleh karena Bi Entin baru saja mengirimkan uangnnya ke kampung halaman di Banten, pembantu yang sudah bekerja di rumah keluarga banker itu sejak keempat bersaudara itu masih bayi, hanya mampu meminjamkan dua ratus ribu rupiah saja.
“Terima kasih,” ujar Imam seraya pergi dari rumah tanpa maksud untuk kembali.”Utang adalah utang. Suatu ketika aku harus membayarnya,” gumamnya dalam hati.
***
Dan 25 tahun pun berlalu. Dua puluh lima tahun adalah jangka waktu yang lama dan tak pernah ada kabar berita mengenai si bungsu yang dikutuk ayah dan kakak-kakaknya itu. Si ayah kini sudah lebih 70 tahun, sudah pension, sakit-sakitan, dan jatuh miskin karena kehilangan harta bendanya akibat kerugian dalam spekulasi bursa saham dan valuta asing.
Toton Sumardi Sastraowardojo yang dulu tinggal di rumah mewah di kawasan elit Pondok Indah, punya sejumlah vila di puncak dan tanah perkebunan di berbagai daerah, punya deposito di sejumlah bank, batangan emas dan permata, dinyatakan pailit dan dililit utang. Asset keluarga Toton yang nilainya miliaran rupiah itu disita ……………………………..Rp250.000 per bulan di Kampung Bali, kawasan yang padat dan rawan kejahatan di Tanah Abang, Jakarta Pusat. Sungguh kasihan. Toton Sumardi Sastowardojo adalah mantan bankir yang malang.
Anak-anaknya pun tidak jauh berbeda nasibnya dengan sang ayah. Dadi, si pengacara, hanya mengurus lima kasus selama 25 tahun. Itupun semuanya kalah di pengadilan atau dalam putusan kasasi Mahkamah Agung. Meskipun pihaknya berada pada pihak yang benar, namun pihak lawan lebih punya pengaruh karena pengacaranya kenal baik dengan presiden, menteri, pejabat, anggota DPR dan atasan para hakim yang menangani perkara mereka, Dadi, yang tidak punya catatan bagus sepanjang seperempat abad kariernya sebagai lawyer, harus puas menjadi staf biasa di sebuah kantor pengacara dengan gaji Rp2 juta perbulan. Tentu saja penghasilah sebesar itu tidak cukup untuk membiayai kebutuhan sehari-hari isteri dan kelima orang anaknya.
Bambang yang menjadi dokter tidak lebih baik. Segera setelah Bambang punya izin praktek, dua atau tiga pasiennya mati. Bukan karena malpraktek tapi memang harus mati karena penyajitnya yang tidak bisa diobati lagi. Tapi apa kata dokter-dokter lain pesaingnya yang mengetahui ihwal kematian pasien itu ? Mereka mengatakan bahwa Bambang adalah seorang pembunuh, tidak tahu apapun mengenai obat-obatan dan seorang terkun alias dokter yang lebih banyak bertindak seperti dukun.
Isu yang tersebar dari mulut ke mulut itu membuat orang-orang takut membawa orang sakit berobat ke dolter Bambang. Tempat prakteknya menjadi sepi bak kuburan. Bagi seorang dokter, tak ada pasien yang datang berobat berarti tak ada uang pemasukan. Penghasilan dokter Bambang jadi terbatas hanya karena gajinya tiap bulan sebagai karyawan di sebuah rumah sakit dan bukannya keahliannya sebagai dokter.
Tanto, yang dulu bercita-cita jadi pedagang dan banker seperti ayahnya, tidak juga hidup lebih nyaman. Bahkan keadaannya lebih buruk lagi dari kedua kakaknya. Selama 25 tahun terakhir ini tak ada satu kesussesanpun dibuat Tanto selain menghabiskan modal, waktu dan kesehatannya. Tanto pernah membuka took yang menjual barang-barang mewah di sebuah mal dan menjadi rekanan di sebuah departemen. Tapi berbagai peristiwa seperti kebakaran, kerusuhan missal dan krisis ekonomi membuat usahanya jatuh bangun terus menerus, Pernah ketika sedang jaya-jayanya, tokonya diserbu penjarah yang memanfaatkan momentum massal. Semua barang mewah yang dijualnya,perhiasan emas berlian berkilo-kilo dan ratusan jam tangan Rolex, habis disikat para penjarah. Ketika beralih profesi menjadi rekanan di sebuah departemen, modal perusahaannya justeru habis untuk biaya perolehan tender proyek yang tidak selalu dimenangkannya. Jangan harap mendapat proyek tanpa KKN dan sogok sana-sogok sini. Gagal sebagai pedagang dan kontraktor, Tanto bekerja serabutan untuk menyambung hidup.
Ketiga bersaudara yang tidak begitu bagus peruntungannya itu kerap berkumpul di rumah kontrakan ayah mereka di akhir pekan. Kalau sudah bertemu begitu, mereka mau tak mau teringan akan si bungsu dan membicarakannya.
“Apa yang terjadi dengan si Imam?”
“Mungkin dia sekarang sedang menjalani hukuman di penjara.”
“Mungkin malah sudah mati”
“Tewas dibakar massa.”
“Masya Allah…”
Tak pernah berkirim surat sekalipun selama 25 tahun.”
“Dasar anak nakal!”
“Adik bandel!”
“Tak tahu diuntung!”
“Sudahlah, jangan berserapah.”
“Mari berdoa untuk dia.”
“Siapa tahu masih hidup.”
***
Dan di satu hari minggu yang cerah, seorang pembantu tergopoh-gopoh mengetuk pintu kamar kontrakan Toton Sumardi Sastrowardojo yang saat itu tengah berkumpul dengan ketiga anak lelakinya.
“Pak Toton, ada yang mencari bapak.”
“Siapa?”
“Nggak tahu, saya nggak berani Tanya namanya.Orangnya perlente,naik BMW.Apa bapak ounya teman pengusaha kaya atau pejabat tinggi?”Tanya si pembantu.
Aroma minyak wangi mahal yang semerbak. Meski sekarang bercambang dan berjanggut tipis,sosok tamu itu jelas sangat dikenal. Seketika mereka berseru setengah berteriak:
“Imam!”
Ya,itu memang Imam yang segera bersimpuh di kaki Toton.
“Ayah,25 tahun lalu, aku meninggalkan ayah dan kakak-kakak dalam keadaan miskin dan nelangsa. Kini aku kembali dalam keadaan kaya dan penuh kuasa. Maukah kau memaafkanku?”ujar Imam.
Aroma kemewahan segera menghipnotis Keluarga yang kurang beruntung itu. Seluruh keluarga denga seketika melihat kembalinya Imam sebagai cikal bakal kembali naiknya derajat kehidupan mereka. Dua puluh lima tahun kutukan dan sumpah serapah hapus dalam sekejap.
“Anakku!”seru sang ayah sambil menciumi si anak hilang,”Selamat datang!”
Dadi,Bambang dan Tanto pun memeluk dan ikut-ikutan menciumi si bungsu. Imam diperlakukan seolah-olah malaikat yang datang untuk menghapus penderitaan mereka dan menggantinya dengan kebahagiaan dan kemakmuran.
Setelah puas berpelukan dan berciuman, sang ayah dengan kebapakan berkata kepada Imam.
“Ceritakan pada kami,anakku,ceritakan bagaimana caranya kamu bisa mencapai derajat dan kekuasaan seperti sekarang ini.”
Imam bangkit dari duduknya, berjalan menuju pintu dan menguncinya, sebelum akhirnya dengan jujur menjawab pertanyaan sang ayah.
“Saya merampok,ayah.”
***
Lelaki tua itu tersentak.
“Jangan berfikir macam-macam wahai ayah dan saudara-saudaraku. Mereka mengatakan aku tidak melakukan sesuatu yang buruk. Saya kembali pulang kampong dengan penuh kehormatan dan uang melimpah. Saya kini sangat dihormati, saya dianggap contoh dari tokoh yang sukses dalam kehidupan modern,”tutur Imam.
Ia pun menceritakan perjalanan hidupnya 25 tahun terakhir ini.
“Ayah dan kakak tahu bahwa dengan uang dua ratus ribu perak dari Bi Entin saya meninggalkan rumah mewah kita. Ngomong-ngomong dimana sekarang Bi Entin?”
“Ia sudah sangat renta sekarang.Kalau tidak salah, sekarang ia diurus di sebuah panti jompo.”
“Malam ini juga saya harus memberikan setidaknya dua juta rupiah kepada pembantu yang baik itu sebagai bayaran atas utang dan bunganya.”
“Dan untukmu Dadi, saya akan berikan satu lilyar rupiah. Untuk Bambang dan Tanto, kalian akan mendapat jumlah yang sama. Sementara untuk ayah, saya telah membelikan rumah mewah di pinggir lau di Pantai Mutiara Ancol dimana kita akan tinggal bersama dan ayah akan menjadi raja.”
Semalam suntuk ayah dengan empat bersaudara itu saling tukar cerita.
“Saya ikut berlayar sebagai anak buah kapal ke Eropa dan terdampar di satu negara yang penuh uang tapi tidak ada moral. Sebelum saya membangun kerajaan bisnis saya sendiri, saya bekerja pada seorang tua kaya pemilik galangan kapal. Dalam enam bulan saya berhasil mencuri isterinya.”
”Astaga.”gumam si ayah.
“Karena melibatkan orang terkaya, upaya saya merebut isteri milyuner itu ramai diberitakan media massa. Wartawan menyebutnya sebagai drama cinta abad ini Setiap orang berpihak kepada saya. Wanita itu muda dan cantik, sedang suamiya tua dan sakit-sakitan, serta memperlakukan isterinya dengan buruk.”
“Koran dan majalah memajang gambar foto saya,wanita itu dan suaminya yan bunuh diri dengan menembak kepalanya sendiri. Saya bagaikan pahlawan yang menyelamatkan wanita itu dari tindakan brutal suaminya. Lalu saya pindah ke Amerika Serikat bersama wanita itu. Ia mendapatkan warisan miliaran dolar untuk saya. Saya tanamkan modal di bursa saham Wall Street. Saya kemudian menjadi warga negara Amerika.”
“Anak saya jadi warga negara Amerika? Tidak! Itu tidak mungkint erjadi.” Potong sang ayah.
“Tapi,ayah jangan kuatir. Amerika itu bisa mengakui dua kewarganegaraan. Saya masih bisa mengantongi kewarganegaraan Indonesia saya sambil mengetuk keuntungan sebagai warga negara Amerika.”
“Anak pintar,”komentar sang ayah.
“Hebat,”komentar para saudaranya.
“Anak pintar,”komentar sang ayah.
“Hebat,”komentar para saudaranya.
“Saya menanam modal di macam-macam bisnis di Wall Street. New York adalah kota yang jadi hamba uang dan siapa yang memilikinya. Saya banyak bermain golf dan mendatangi acara makan malam,sebagai alat yang efektif mencari teman dan koneksi. Sebagai investor, saya banyak didatangi para investor, Mereka menjelaskan hasil temuannya, dan saya membiayainya. Saya mencuri idenya dan menarik keuntungan darinya.”
“Ya Tuhan, bagaimana bisa begitu anakku?” taya sang ayah.
“Tidakkan ayah tahu bahwa orang yang membuat, yang menemukan sesuatu tidak selamanya bisa mendapat keuntungan dari hasil karyanya?Penulis diekploitasi oleh penerbit, actor oleh impresario dan investor oleh pemilik modal yang biasa disebut kapitalis. Saya adalah kapitalis dan orang membungkur kepada saya. Semua wanita memuja saya dan saya biarkan isteri saya meninggalkan saya karena jatuh cinta dengan pemuda miskin macam saya dulu.”
Uang bagaikan air membanjiri saya,jumlahnya miliaran, bahkan triliunan dolar. Saya banyak menerima penghargaan, penghormatan, gelar bangsawan dan professor honoris causa daris eluruh dunia, karena banyak lembaga-lembaga itu yang menjualnya dan saya membelinya. Pendeknya inilah saya,Imam,usia 46 tahun, dijuluki “banker kaya raya,” “pengusaha kakap” atau “konglomerat raksasa” Saya juga sering disebut sebagai “philanthropist” hanya karena saya memberi ribuan dolar untuk penduduk miskin danmembangun rumah sakit, sekolah dan apapun yang masyarakan inginkan dari saya..”
“Baiklah ayah, besok kita akan pindah ke rumah baru yang mewah. Ayah bisa tinggal di lantai dasar dan kakak-kakak bersama Keluarga tinggal di lantai atas. Setiap Keluarga akan mendapatkan deposito satu triliun rupiah di bank dan saya akan memulai pekerjaan besar saya di tanah air untuk berusaha menjadi wakil rakyat. Saya akan berjuan menjadi anggota DPR, karena saya harus membuat undang-undang yang menguntungkan orang macam saya, Ya ayah. I shall make the laws. (cerita pendek ini hasil adaptasi dari cerpen Spanyol berjudul “Modern Life” karya Eusobio Blasco (1844-1903) dan dipersembahkan sebagai bahan renungan para wakil rakyat.
LAND OF THE GREAT LEADER
By Akhmad Kusaeni
Welcome to North Korea, “the world’s best socialist paradise on earth”.
It is still warm in my ears, a North Korean greeted me upon my arrival in Pyongyang Airport last year. I was invited to cover the Indonesian delegation attending the anniversary of the Worker Party. It was an intriguing experience to see the most isolated country in the globalization world.
Invitations to visit Pyongyang are rare enough, especially for journalists. I was privileged. North Korea’s government granted me access to visit the last preserves of the communist country in the 21st century. They took me on a two-days “City Tour” to see the greatness of the “Land of Great Leader Kim Il-sung”.
North Korea is poor, isolated, and desperate. It is unpredictable and provocative[1]. But, Pyongyang is a showcase of Kim Il-sung glorious achievement of his megalomaniac desires.
This unique capital city has the neat and orderly apartment complexes, three-lined avenues festooned with colorful banners and flags, no ugly traffic congestion anywhere (because there are virtually no cars and not even any bicycles there), smiling uniformed-clad children singing praises to the “Great Leader” when they march to schools, and more than 100 works of superb architectures.
The North Korean media tirelessly boasts about the various monuments, enormous in size and grandiose in style, which have been erected in Pyongyang in an effort to build the city into a showcase of Kim Il-sung’s Juche (self-reliance) ideology.[2] Even these days, various projects to beautify the city are being vigorously carried out under the ‘direct guidance’ of Kim Jong-il, son and heir-designate of President Kim Il-sung.
Kim Il-sung, who died in 1994, is still the head of state as “president in eternity”. To keep him “alive” and glorifying him as a charismatic leader, North Korea built some 35,000 Kim Il-sung statues. Everywhere you go, you will see the Great Leader’s pictures. Great Leader’s portraits and statues are found in the streets, the buildings, the rice fields, the jungles, and the mountains.
For example, Milyong (secret camp) statue was built in 1987 on the slopes of Paekdu, North Korea’s highest and most sacred mountain. This “revolutionary historical site” was built solely to perpetrate the myth that Kim waged anti-Japanese guerrilla operation there in 1930s.
Kim-cultists have spread the myth that soon after Korea was emancipated from Japanese rule, three stars literally rose over Paekdu mountain: the Great General Star (Kim Il-sung), the Woman General Star (Kim’s wife, Kim Jong-suk), and the Baby General Star (Kim Jong-il).
“Daily approximately 10.000 people, mostly students, have been enduring bitter cold and deep snow to make devoted pilgrimages to this secret shrine in the mountain out of burning desire to express their absolute loyalty to the Great Leader and his son,” the North Korea Central Broadcasting Station reported on various occasion.
Another important statue is in the Kim Il-sung mausoleum complex. Kim’s followers continue to shower his statue with gifts and worship his embalmed body at a mausoleum bigger than Buckingham Palace.
Having visited the fascinating mausoleums of Mao Zedong in China and Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam, I was delighted to pay my respects to the “Great Leader”. Guarded by soldiers with bayonets fixed, I stepped on to a moving walkway and levitated slowly towards a giant portrait of the “Kamerad Kim” hung above the palace entrance. Walking was prohibited on the conveyor belt to the netherworld.
I had to pass a full-body hairdryer where a dozen little jets brushed off dust or insects before I entered the inner sanctum, a Manila cathedral-like space with high ceilings and hymns in the air. In-group of four, we approached the man who had started the murderous Korean War and we were expected to bow deeply. We then walked around the shiny Kim Il-sung body, lit up by red spotlights.
I saw North Korean people mumbled and cried before Kim’s corpse. I felt astonishment over the bizarre cult-worship system that has been erected in North over the past 50 years. An Indonesian diplomat told me on how Kim Il-sung’s pictures, for example, has been revered as “sacred relics” and many devout Kim-cult believers risk lives to save them.
A young painter, who unconsciously sat on the head of Kim Il-sung in the portrait while he was painting, was arrested on charges of defying the “Great Leader” and sentenced to 20 years in prison.
In the meantime, those who sacrificed his or her life to save Kim’s portraits from being damaged by burning flames or water were cited as heroes. Here is a story that appeared in the Rodong Chongnyon on January 10, 1995.
When a big fire broke out in a small-town factory in North Korea, Cho Young-ok, one of the girl workers in the factory, thought first not of her own safety but of rescuing Kim Il-sung’s portraits which were hanging on the walls. She bravely charged into the fire to fulfill her wish to save the portraits. She managed to take down one of them, but unfortunately the building collapsed before she could escape from the scene of the fire. Her charred body was recovered, but miraculously the portrait of Kim Il-sung she was cradling in her arms was undamaged.
The paper praised her selfless courage as the “exemplary conduct of a revolutionary fighter”. She has “shown us the way all of us should follow… We find value in life only when we devote ourselves to Kim Il-sung and the Party”.
In the wake of promoting the personality cult of Kim Il-sung, the North Korean not only built many monuments, but also develops myths of their leaders as “Sun of the People”, “Genius of All Mankind” or “The Great Comrade of the Revolution”.
Thus, having learned almost from birth to praise the Great Leader regularly and without restraint, North Korean are not in practice of complaining about the hardships they face. They are brainwashed as their leaders declare with pride that there are no taxes, no prisons, no pickpockets, no prostitutes, and no social unrest.
“This is our happy land, and it’s all due to the Great Leader,” said Kim Ho-sok, a Pyongyang citizen. “Without his great leadership, our revolution would not be able to move even a step forward,” he added.
My impression after having seen the land of the Great Leader is I was amazed. How the propaganda machines work in the country really amaze me. It has been succeeded to make citizen believe that their nation have achieved paradise on earth, although in reality they are facing food shortages and their children are dying for malnutrition.
If North Korea is a “paradise on earth”, no one should have escaped the land in search for a better world.
REFERENCES
Ik-Sang-lee (ed), Recent Developments in North Korea, Naewoe Press, 1991.
Kim Choong-nam, The Uncertain Future of North Korea, Korea and World Affairs Quarterly, 1996.
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